By
Michael Brendan Dougherty
Wednesday,
November 02, 2022
A recent Morning
Consult poll held out that the Covid-19 pandemic is just not a top-of-mind
issue for voters anymore. U.S. News summed it up: “The share of
voters who see the COVID-19 pandemic as a main issue in the midterm election
has dropped to 31% — its lowest point since tracking began in January.”
It’s
true, in the strict sense, that voters are less and less inclined to feel that
politicians should filter everything through the Covid-19 prism.
But give
me a break. We have just gone through a national political trauma and
disruption to our way of life the likes of which we’ve never experienced
before, and many never want to experience anything like it ever again. Voters
currently cite the
economy and inflation as
their top issues, far outranking abortion and guns. Crime is often second or
third in the priority list of voters, according to all pollsters. This is all
downstream of Covid. We are still climbing out of our pandemic response, and
our politics reflect that. The 2020 election was about Donald Trump. The 2022
election is about where you stood on Covid, and the aftermath.
Worldwide,
the economic dislocations, the supply-chain problems, and inflation are all
downstream of the Covid response. We spent trillions on an experiment in
sudden-onset guaranteed income, which was combined with forcibly lowered
productivity. So did many other governments. China is still shutting down huge
sectors of its society to stop the spread of Covid, thereby slowing the
manufacturing of all sorts of goods upon which worldwide industry relies. Of
course inflation was going to be one result.
Pandemics
are times of moral mania, going back to the Middle Ages. The mania, mid-Covid,
to defund police departments after the George Floyd tragedy shattered police
forces in cities such as Portland, Ore. Cities that took this turn lost
experienced leadership and have remained understaffed ever since. Seattle’s own
woman-of-color police chief was asked to take
a pay cut before
she resigned. Progressive prosecutors, such as Philadelphia’s Larry Krasner, in
an effort to bring about racial justice, have refused to enforce laws against
illegal gun possession. Gun crimes are on the rise, and truly appalling murders
are now occurring in neighborhoods not previously known for crime. And we had
the repeated spectacle of leaders selectively breaking their own draconian
Covid rules in order to march with crowds of Black Lives Matter protesters.
Whole
patterns of life were upset by the Covid protocols; in the upheaval, people’s
institutional allegiances shifted. Citizens in some states saw their churches
closed down for more than a year. Many churches that complied with mandates out
of meekness to the state, or conviction, never reopened again. They were
outflanked by those shepherds who did tend their sheep in a crisis. Public
schools saw enrollment decrease by 2 million students. Parochial schools saw
their decade-long trend of decline suddenly shift into reverse. Private-school
enrollment soared, as did the number of students being homeschooled. The sum of
these facts is that the new populist orientation of individual voters organized
itself under the pressure of the pandemic into new social groupings and budding
institutions. These churches and schools will provide form and leadership to a
prolonged populist insurgency in our politics for a long time to come.
What’s
to explain the huge shift of
suburban women back into the GOP fold? They haven’t forgotten Trump, who repulsed
them. They know about the fall of Roe v. Wade. But many of them
also remember that their little kids were masked at school — even at speech
therapy — for months or years, only for health authorities to eventually call
these masks “little more than useless decorations.” They see the speech delays,
the social-development milestones missed, the low reading scores. They see
crime rising. And local school boards that became obsessed with eliminating
“whiteness” rather than illiteracy.
Over
352,000 New Yorkers left their state from mid 2020 to mid 2021. Over 100,000
New Yorkers in 2021–22 have moved to Florida. Despite the exodus of likely
Republican-leaning voters, New York governor Kathy Hochul is seen as a drag on the
Democratic ticket up
and down the state, and her challenger, relative unknown Lee Zeldin, is at
least within striking distance, according to most polls. His standing attracted
the campaigning zeal of Virginia’s Glenn Youngkin and Florida’s Ron DeSantis.
And
speaking of Ron DeSantis. Can anyone even remember four years ago? He was
considered a punch line by the corporate political press, an improbable victor
over his opponent in a tight race, abasing himself to Trumpian populists to
win. Meanwhile, Governor Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan was considered by the
same press to be presidential timber. She even got a serious look to be a
vice-presidential contender. Guess which one of these governors is cruising to
reelection, and which one is
struggling?
Now, Ron
DeSantis is seen as a serious threat, not only in a run for president but
toppling Donald Trump while doing so. Why? Because of his response to Covid-19.
DeSantis rejected what he called “Fauci-ism” while Donald Trump kept the famous
doctor front and center.
Covid-19
completely reordered our politics. This is the first election where we’ll see
what that looks like.
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