By
Christian Schneider
Wednesday,
November 16, 2022
And if
your mission is to troll your way to the presidency in 2024, you don’t need a
powerful, dignified master of Senate procedure leading you.
After
Republicans butt-fumbled away their chance to retake
the majority in 2022, fingers immediately began pointing at McConnell, the
GOP’s longest-serving leader.
“First
we need to make sure that those who want to lead us are genuinely committed to
fighting for the priorities & values of the working Americans (of every
background) who gave us big wins in states like #Florida,” wrote newly reelected senator Marco
Rubio, urging that today’s leadership vote be postponed.
Missouri
senator Josh Hawley declared the midterm elections the “funeral for the
Republican Party as we know it,” calling the party “dead.” Presumably, he did
so while holding a bloody knife. It was Hawley, after all, who was last seen
cheering on a mob of Trump supporters who may not have seen him because they
were busy trying to hang Vice President Mike Pence. It was Hawley who chose to
feed Trump’s conspiracy theories about the 2020 election, leading voters such
as those who stormed the Capitol to believe that the election had been stolen —
and almost certainly helping to cost the GOP control of the Senate. So
naturally, it is Hawley who’s now playing the child who murders his parents and
expects sympathy from the court because he’s an orphan.
Finally,
on Tuesday, Florida senator Rick Scott announced a long-shot bid to replace
McConnell as Senate Republican leader — the first challenge McConnell had faced
since assuming his perch atop the caucus in 2007. “I believe it’s time for the
Senate Republican Conference to be far more bold and resolute than we have been
in the past,” Scott wrote in a letter to his colleagues. “We must
start saying what we are for, not just what we are against.”
These are
the words of a group of unserious senators who have no interest in actually
governing over the next two years. As members of the minority, Senate
Republicans should have only one role, which is to sit in their seats and say
the word “nay.” They should exist to block the Democrats’ bad ideas from making
their way to President Joe Biden’s desk. Instead, McConnell’s detractors plan
to govern through a historical Senate process known as “lib-owning,” which
doesn’t require the institutional strength and knowledge possessed by their
longtime leader.
Of
course, McConnell easily held off their challenge on Wednesday, because there
are more than enough Republican senators who appreciate the steady hand with
which he has guided them over the years. But clearly, too many others have
forgotten the phenomenal job he’s done. After all, three conservative justices
have McConnell to thank for their places on the U.S. Supreme Court. And Donald
Trump, though he’d never admit it, has McConnell to thank for every one of the
big legislative victories of his presidency, from his historic tax cut to the
First Step Act reducing sentences on nonviolent criminals.
(Trump,
because he had little to no idea how Congress or the federal government worked,
desperately needed McConnell’s experience. As Maggie Haberman reports in her
new book, even after four years in office, Trump still believes the Senate
minority can block any bill by simply refusing to show up for the vote.)
Perhaps
McConnell’s critics want a leader who reflects a version of the party that is
more populist, never mind that their “populism” doesn’t seem all that popular.
Or perhaps their failed effort to replace him is rooted in his long-running
feud with Trump. During the former president’s second impeachment, McConnell
all but put up a neon sign inviting prosecutors to go after Trump for his
post-election activities. Since then, Trump has hammered away at McConnell, at
one point saying the minority leader has a “death wish” and referring to his
“China loving wife, Coco Chow!” (McConnell, of course, is married to
Taiwanese-American Elaine Chao, who served as secretary of transportation in
Trump’s own administration.)
Fittingly, Trump’s
acolytes are
now blaming McConnell for the caucus’s electoral losses, because he chose
to pull funding from lost-cause candidates such as Blake Masters in
Arizona and Don Bolduc in New Hampshire. (Bolduc ended up losing by nine
points, and Blake Masters lost by around five points.)
The
criticism of McConnell’s resource-allocation choices is particularly risible
coming from Scott, given that Scott led the National Republican Senatorial
Committee, and thus bore primary responsibility for electing more Republicans
to the Senate this cycle. During the GOP primaries, Scott argued against intervening in contested races
to help nominate more-electable Republican candidates. Democrats, on the other
hand, were more than happy to put money into helping the least-electable
Republicans win their primaries, a strategy that appears to have worked.
It
wasn’t McConnell’s fault that Republican primary voters picked such awful
candidates during the primaries. McConnell did not trick Bolduc into being an
election denier. McConnell did not father Herschel Walker’s love children (as
far as we know). He did not force Mehmet Oz to drink a plastic cup
of wine at a
football tailgate party.
As
McConnell himself put it in the lead-up to Wednesday’s vote, “We
under-performed among independents and moderates because their impression of
many of the people in our party, in leadership roles, is that they’re causing
chaos, negativity, excessive attacks. And it frightened independent and
moderate Republican voters.”
It is
not as though McConnell has been perfect. But when he has erred, it has been
in going too
easy on Trump. Perhaps the former
insurrectionist-in-chief would now be ineligible to run for president in 2024
if McConnell had applied more pressure on his colleagues during Trump’s second
impeachment trial. The Republican Party’s long-needed separation from Trump
would be complete, and the rebirth of the “dead” GOP Hawley and so many others
helped kill would already be under way.
And
therein lies the bottom line: Whatever McConnell’s mistakes, it is indisputable
that the insurgents who tried to topple him today bear 100 times more
responsibility for the party’s current dire straits than McConnell does. What
they were essentially asking their colleagues to do today was elect a leader
who would encourage the caucus to troll its way back into the public’s good
graces.
Fortunately,
their colleagues chose the competence and experience that will make the
81-year-old McConnell the right leader for as long as he wants the job.
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