By Kevin D. Williamson
Sunday, May 23, 2021
‘To see what is in front of one’s nose needs a
constant struggle,” George Orwell observed.
What’s even more of a struggle is avoiding it. That’s why
we have the distraction storm.
Thinking about the present is, for some of us, nearly
unbearable. One way we deal with that is by inventing fantastical future
scenarios — now catastrophic, now paradisiacal, from climate disaster to
various political utopias. That is how you sell lottery tickets and
home-title-protection policies — by making the future, its promise or its
terror, an analgesic against the pain of the present.
Or else we look in the opposite direction, to the past,
inventing for ourselves exaggerated histories — lost glory for the nationalists
and sentimentalists, exculpatory personal and collective trauma for the
social-justice set. This sometimes produces results that are morally ghastly
but wildly entertaining: One cannot help but delight in something like The
Me You Can’t See, in which Glenn Close, a movie star who grew up the
daughter of moneyed Greenwich socialites and was educated at St. George’s
School in Montreux, competes just ruthlessly in the
victimization Olympics against the Duke of Sussex, that worthy gentleman who
groans under the yoke of being only sixth in line to the British throne.
(That the referee in our national woe-is-me championship
is Oprah Winfrey really is too perfect: One can only imagine what Winfrey, the
daughter of an unmarried domestic servant born into a viciously segregated
Mississippi and raised in rural poverty so absolute that she wore potato sacks
for clothes as a child, makes of Prince Harry’s lugubrious sadsackery.)
What we do at the personal level, we also do at the
political level. That is why we are so fixated on statues put up a century ago
and on the average daily temperatures a century hence — anything to avoid
looking soberly at our real troubles in the here and now.
Whites are a minority in New York City, but Mayor Bill de
Blasio is much more at ease talking about the purportedly omnipresent specter
of white supremacy than he is about, say, his city’s currently declining
population. And as refugees from Mayor de Blasio’s incompetence scurry off like
— well, one wants to write rats, but those are staying put in New
York City and prospering mightily — let’s say, exit rodentially to wherever it
is they are going, what are the powers that be in New York doing? They are not
sitting still for it — no: The mayor and the city’s chief lawyer have just
announced a lawsuit against Exxon, Shell, BP, and the American Petroleum
Institute in order to “stop climate change in its tracks,” as the mayor put it.
Well.
Maybe people will one day flee New York because of
climate change — right now, they are fleeing it because of crime, anarchy,
filth, dysfunction, and the policies of Bill de Blasio, who, like so many of
his ilk, manages to be heavy-handed even as he causes chaos. Mayor de Blasio
would rather talk about the average temperature 80 years from now than,
say, Manhattan vacancy rates today, and what those tell us about
his governance.
On the opposite coast, we have the example of San
Francisco, where retailers such as Walgreens are closing stores because the
city now takes the municipal form of a failed state. (Yes, yes — Pakistan
remains very comfortable for its ruling class, too.) The city of San Francisco
is unable — or, in the case of its dopey D.A., simply unwilling —
to perform the most basic function of a government: protecting property. San
Francisco once had a great deal of shoplifting, and now it has day-to-day
looting, to such an extent that some stores cannot afford to stay open. Clerks
and shop-owners are generally too terrified to try to do anything in response,
and those who do attempt to intervene are — because this is the great age of
social justice — routinely denounced as racists. Store clerks are abused,
threatened, and sometimes physically assaulted, but nobody cares very much,
because San Francisco is a city run by insular wealthy people in the interests
of other insular wealthy people, and the largely poor and disproportionately
immigrant work force of pharmacies and convenience stores is, regarded from the
peaks of Pacific Heights, disposable.
Some retailers operating in San Francisco, notably
Safeway, connect this directly to Proposition 47, which reduced the penalties
for such crimes, while San Francisco D.A. Chesa Boudin (son of terrorist/Columbia
professor Kathy Boudin) simply refuses to prosecute shoplifting cases as a
matter of policy. So it isn’t a mystery why this is happening, and there are
pretty obvious ways to counteract it. But you probably aren’t going to run into
Prince Harry or Glenn Close picking up their own prescriptions at Walgreens.
In response to the looting problem, the San Francisco
board of supervisors is . . . meditating upon its program of action under the
Paris Agreement on climate change. The people who care a great deal about
climate change and who believe that municipal action in cities such as San
Francisco is going to have a meaningful effect upon it are preposterous and
delusional, but they have a lot more clout in those cities than do the nobodies
working the overnight shifts at California convenience stores.
And so we are held hostage by their daydreams and their
nightmares.
“We’re taking bold, aggressive action because our future
depends on it,” Mayor London Breed says. Not to address crime — to address
carbon-dioxide emissions. San Francisco, she promises, will “set a standard for
the rest of the country.” Let us hope that it doesn’t, because the future of
San Francisco does not depend on its sanctimonious
implementation of a largely symbolic climate agenda; the future of San
Francisco depends on Walgreens and Safeway and thousands of businesses like
them, their employees, business partners, vendors, and suppliers, and the
shoppers and the tax revenue they generate. And, unlike Mayor Breed, pharmacies
provide life-saving goods and services.
San Francisco is not in need of a bold, imaginative plan.
It is in need of government — basic government, government of
the oldest and most fundamental kind, government of the sort understood by
everybody from Machiavelli to Hobbes to the decidedly lesser figure of Rudy
Giuliani, who was a pretty effective mayor before he became a lunatic courtier.
What is necessary to understand in the present is that
our current cultural convulsion — the constant, distracting storm of outrage
and panic and hatred and denunciation that plays out over social media and in
real life every day — is being used as moral camouflage for failing
institutions, from city governments to federal agencies and from the college
campus to the commanding heights of media and technology. The burghers of the
Bay Area won’t be around to comment on the weather in 100 years, and they’d
much rather not talk about what’s happening down at the corner drugstore right
now.
It is important for governments to look to the future and
to understand history — planting trees under the shade of which we never will
sit and all that. But governments at all levels also have a responsibility to
the here and now, to the clear and present, to the local and the ordinary — a
responsibility to see what is in front of their noses and, when necessary, try
to do something useful in response to it.
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