By Seth J. Frantzman
Tuesday, October 01, 2019
Russian military specialists are flying to Venezuela,
Iran is increasing its drone threats to Saudi Arabia, and Turkey is blustering
about a new military operation in eastern Syria. Across the Middle East and
among U.S. global adversaries, there is a desire to test the Trump
administration in every hotspot that the U.S. is involved in. Given the current
impeachment crisis in Washington, it is essential that policymakers keep their
eye on the foreign-policy ball, especially in the Middle East.
U.S. adversaries watch American domestic politics
carefully, as evidenced by their own state media playing up internal divisions
in the U.S. Iranian foreign minister Javad Zarif tweeted on September 21 to
highlight comments by former secretary of state Rex Tillerson, claiming that
Trump was being “pushed to war.” On September 28, Russia’s TASS website ran
headlines about Nancy Pelosi and Hunter Biden. Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan
spoke at the United Nations, where he showed a map suggesting that Turkey would
take over northeastern Syria and resettle millions of Syrians in an area that
the U.S. has worked with the Syrian Democratic Forces to keep stable. Turkey is
also defying the U.S. over sanctions on Iran and buying Russia’s S-400 system.
Iran, Turkey, and Russia all seem poised to leverage the
current crisis and distraction in the U.S. to their own benefit. Iran wants to
increase its role in Iraq by empowering a carbon copy of the Iran Revolutionary
Guard Corps (IRGC). This is the Hashd al-Shaabi, or Popular Mobilization Units
(PMU), a force of mostly Shi’ite paramilitaries who have been turned into an
official force in Iraq. Despite U.S. concerns and sanctions against a deputy of
the PMU and other elements within it, Iraq is seeking greater integration of
the units with Iran’s support. Iraq’s prime minister, Adel Abdul Mahdi, is
heading to Iran, and he recently forced out Abdul-Wahab al-Saadi, a key
counterterrorism officer, in unclear circumstances. A border crossing that
includes an Iranian base is being opened with Syria.
Iran’s goal is to use its proxies against U.S. allies in
order to pressure it. Washington accuses Iran of an attack on Saudi Arabia on
September 14, and Iranian IRGC teams with “killer drones” have threatened
Israel from Syria. Iran brags about the drone programs its Houthi allies have
constructed, a clear message to the U.S. and the region. In recent comments,
Syria’s Bashar al-Assad and Hezbollah assert that the attack on Saudi Arabia
makes the U.S. and allies look weak.
Turkey, a historic U.S. ally but increasingly working
with Iran and Russia, likely sees the crisis in the U.S. as an opportunity to
push for its “safe zone” in eastern Syria. Here it wants to drive a wedge
between the U.S. and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which helped defeat
ISIS. Turkey calls them “terrorists” and hopes it can get control of eastern
Syria. Ankara’s foreign minister said on September 28 that Turkey was unhappy
with the pace of negotiations over eastern Syria.
Russia’s goal is more complex. It wants to pry Turkey away
from the U.S. and sell its weapons systems to Ankara while increasing energy
exports. But Russia is wary of a new conflict in Syria, either between Israel
and Iran or between other groups, such as the Syrian regime and the rebels in
Idlib. Russia’s overall goal is to weaken the U.S. across the Middle East by
quietly portraying itself as the reliable player. Domestic chaos helps it push
that image, no matter how flawed Moscow’s policies may be.
It will be difficult for U.S. policymakers to emphasize
that our policy is consistent amid the current crises that lay open White House
conversations with foreign leaders, but the U.S. doesn’t want to be on the back
foot in both Syria and Iraq, potentially jeopardizing U.S. partners in eastern
Syria and in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq. Any U.S. retreat in Iraq or
Syria would be capitalized on by Iran and used to threaten U.S. allies,
particularly Israel. In northern Iraq, where U.S. forces are standing shoulder
to shoulder with Kurdish peshmerga against the continued ISIS threat, there are
also concerns that Iranian-backed militias are on steroids, increasing their
presence and threats. Iranian officials have indicated that the U.S. could be
targeted in Iraq amid U.S.–Iran tensions. Mortars fell near the U.S. embassy on
September 23, as if on cue.
A strong and consistent policy from the U.S., backing
allies and sticking with the goals of defeating ISIS, as well as maximum
pressure on Iran are all necessary to deter adversaries. This also means
working closely with the SDF in eastern Syria and the Kurdistan Regional
Government in northern Iraq. Iran, Russia, and Turkey are watching. They meet
frequently in discussions about the future of Syria. They believe that the U.S.
presence in the region is being reduced. One hundred years of U.S. engagement
in the Middle East should be enough to assure them that Washington isn’t going
anywhere and that the U.S. is sticking with its partners and allies.
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