By George Will
Thursday, October 03, 2019
Seoul, South Korea — In 1950, when Han Sung-joo
was ten, shrapnel from an artillery shell lodged in his hip. This happened as
General Douglas MacArthur’s troops, fresh from the bold Incheon landing, were
retaking this city — it would be lost and retaken again — after North Korea’s
June invasion. The shell fragment was still there when Han served as his
nation’s minister of foreign affairs (1993–1994) and as ambassador to the
United States (2003–2005). He lives today with this metallic reminder of the
fact that his nation lives in a dangerous neighborhood. His brother-in-law died
when North Koreans killed 17 South Korean officials in a 1983 attempt to assassinate
South Korea’s president during a visit to Burma.
North Korea’s opaque regime possesses nuclear, chemical,
and biological weapons, and conventional artillery and rockets that could
devastate large portions of this metropolitan area of 25 million without any
infantry or armor crossing the 38th parallel. But North Korea’s dictator Kim
Jong-un is less unpopular among South Koreans than is Japan’s prime minister
Shinzo Abe.
Japan’s 35-year colonization of the Korean Peninsula
ended with World War II. Seventy-four years later, South Korea, where the
anniversary of Japan’s 1945 surrender is a national holiday, is jeopardizing
its and Northeast Asia’s security in order to pursue war-era grievances
concerning Japan’s exploitation of forced labor. Japan says this issue,
including expressions of remorse and restitution, was settled in 1965 — many
more years ago than the Japanese occupation lasted. South Korea’s president
Moon Jae-in, whose party is facing a general election in 2020, has agitated
this dispute, and a Korean court recently reopened it. Many Koreans say Japan’s
reparations have been insufficient and its apologies insincere.
In separate incidents this summer, two South Korean men
burned themselves to death to protest Japan’s government. Imports of Japanese
beer are down 97 percent, Toyota and Honda sales are down 59 percent and 81
percent respectively. Some Koreans bitterly remember — really — that their
marathoner had to run with a Japanese flag on his chest at the Berlin Olympics in
1936.
Japan, the world’s third-largest economy, has responded
by restricting sales of vital industrial chemicals to South Korea, the world’s
12th largest. Most seriously, South Korea has withdrawn from an
intelligence-sharing agreement with Japan as North Korea continues missile
tests. This distracting spat, which sends a signal of unseriousness, is risky
for a nation that thinks, with reason, that one cause of the Korean War was
Secretary of State Dean Acheson declaring, six months before North Korea
invaded, that South Korea was outside the U.S. “defensive perimeter.”
South Korean polls reveal troubling age differences and a
small middle ground. Young people are much less sanguine about their northern
neighbor than Moon is. South Koreans in their 20s are the most hostile to
warmer relations, or unification, with North Korea. Progressives are often
middle-aged and some of them protest the statue of MacArthur in Incheon and are
generally skeptical about U.S. policies and motives.
What Winston Churchill said of the Balkans — that they
produce more history than they can consume — has been true of this peninsula
for more than a century. Control of it was among the contested issues behind
the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–95); and the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905),
which made Russia ripe for the 1917 Russian Revolution; and of course the
Korean War.
Four U.S. presidents prior to the current one toiled to
stop North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. This continued until — if you
believe the current one — he and Kim spent a few hours together in Singapore,
“fell in love,” and their conjugal relations produced this presidential tweet:
“There is no longer a Nuclear Threat from North Korea.” If, however, today’s
president is mistaken (there is precedent), so has been the durable belief that
cajoling lubricated by bribery (food, energy, assistance building light-water
reactors) would deflect North Korea from its decades-long nuclear project. The
failure is writ large in the fact that North Korea has placed in its constitution
the ambiguous description of itself as a “nuclear power.”
Han Sung-joo is so given to softly spoken understatements
that, he says, he hardly seems Korean: He says that his countrymen are
“emotion-prone.” So, attention must be paid when he says his country is more
than “polarized,” it is afflicted with “cleavages.” Americans, who are
hyperbole-prone, have a seemingly endless series of high-decibel shouting
matches over this or that supposedly “existential” matter. South Koreans
actually live with such a threat, one that Moon minimizes, and that events
might be maximizing.
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