By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, July
31, 2019
It’s been another busy week for the president’s allies,
though not necessarily for the president. Donald Trump has carved out an
enviable role for himself, tweeting errant thoughts that set the agenda for the
day and conscripting his supporters in media and politics into a feverish
effort to convince Americans that those musings are part of a broader governing
program. For all their promises, though, that governing program never seems to
materialize.
The latest in this tiresome series occurred over the weekend
when the president caught a clip of Maryland Democratic Rep. Elijah Cummings
castigating Homeland Security Secretary Kevin McAleenan over the conditions in
detention centers housing illegal migrants. Cummings’s West Baltimore district
was “FAR WORSE and more dangerous,” the president tweeted, than American
detention facilities. Maryland’s 7th district is a “dangerous” and “filthy”
place, he added; “a disgusting, rat and rodent infested mess.” Predictably,
Democrats insisted that Trump’s ego-fueled missive was not impulse and id but a
calculated effort to divide the country along racial lines. Unconvincing as
that might be, the right is just as invested in retrofitting a rationale onto
the backend of a Trump tweet, if only to justify the efforts they devote to
defending it.
For the president’s defenders, this week has been spent
demonstrating the validity of Trump’s observations. Columnists and pundits on
the right rushed to validate Trump’s tweet, citing crime statistics, corruption
probes, and popular cultural products that prove inner-city Baltimore is a
stressed community. The Trumpian youth outreach group Turning Point USA
dispatched its ambassadors to the city to document the urban blight and its
residents’ hardships. News networks parachuted into town with one mission: to
prove that Trump has his finger on the American pulse, as well as his
television remote.
If anyone was laboring under the mistaken impression that
West Baltimore was a shining example of urban renewal, the pro-Trump right has
dutifully shattered that illusion. It is, however, unlikely that anyone greeted
this news as a revelation.
The president’s phalanx of defenders is owed some
sympathy. What else are they supposed to be doing? As the president himself
acknowledged, “there is no strategy” behind his attacks on Cummings or the city
he represents in Congress. Trump is not advancing a philosophy or a set of
policy prescriptions. There’s no agenda on the line. The only stakes in this
debate, if you can even call the all but universally acknowledged suboptimal
realities of life in Baltimore a debate, is the president’s pride and that of
the people who’ve attached themselves to his movement.
That’s a shame, too, because the conservative movement
does have an urban-policy agenda around which its members could unite in a
moment like this. Whole think tanks and research centers are devoted to urban
conservatism. The Jack Kemp wing of the GOP has spent decades advocating
market-oriented policies aimed at restoring America’s declining urban centers.
Kemp’s protégé, former House Speaker Paul Ryan, spent years touring inner
cities and raising awareness around Republican proposals to address the
pervasive, trans-generational poverty that plagues parts of urban America.
Mistrustful of libertarian economic prescriptions, the conservative movement’s
reform and traditionalist wings are equally devoted to raising living standards
and quality of life in American cities. A competent presidency might take this
opportunity to advance a political agenda—any political agenda. But this is not
a competent presidency.
Surely, those who argue in defense of Trump’s tweet think
they are accomplishing something. Maybe they believe that they are engineering
a paradigmatic shift by arguing the obvious. Maybe they really think that
Baltimore’s blight and political corruption were previously under-publicized
and tweeting furiously in Trump’s stead is raising vital awareness. They have
only convinced themselves that their role in the Trump era is to see the grain
of truth in the president’s impetuousness even if they miss the beach in the
process.
Those on the right who convince themselves that their
labors on the president’s behalf are valuable have precious few successes to
show for their work. Amid the furor over the president’s misguided decision to
intervene in a burgeoning Democratic civil war and instruct four progressive
House freshmen, only one of whom was born abroad, to “go back” to their home
countries, the right flew to action. Though crude, they conceded, Trump was
only expressing the kind of rugged patriotism found on bumper stickers across
the heartland. When the president tweeted a ludicrous proposal to release
illegal immigrants in “sanctuary cities,” it was deemed a brilliant strategy
that would convince the public of the Democratic Party’s permissive immigration
policies. There’s more: Trump is right about George Conway; he’s doing his wife
a disservice. Trump is right about MS-13; they are “animals.” Trump is right
about those s***hole countries; would you want to live there?
The logic of the right’s reflexive efforts to defend the
president’s rhetoric is always that he expresses the sentiments of the average
voter, tying Democrats to their worst excesses and most unrepresentative
sensibilities in the process. Ultimately, that might help him win reelection,
some on the right insist. But toward what end? What does the president hope to
achieve in his second term? At the very least, say Trump’s defenders, he exists
as a bulwark standing athwart creeping progressive cultural norms. But that’s
not progress. It’s stasis.
The president’s throat-clearing tweets are not reflective
of a strategy, and they don’t advance a conservative philosophy. The question
the right should be asking itself is not “does the president have a point?” The
question is, “do we?”
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