By Charles C. W. Cooke
Monday, August 05, 2019
The New York Post’s editorial board has written a
fawning open letter to President Trump in which it asks him to “ban assault
weapons now.” It is, from start to finish, a profoundly lazy, impressively
ignorant, and doggedly cliché-ridden piece of work that at no point even
attempts to deal seriously with the arguments that it believes it is refuting.
Its primary flaw is a chronic — perhaps even proud — lack
of precision. The editors acknowledge that the term “assault weapon” “doesn’t
actually describe a clear class of guns,” but then demand that the ban they
covet be predicated upon “a clear definition focused on factors like firepower
— rate of fire, muzzle velocity, etc. — not on cosmetic features.” But there is
a reason that both state-level bans and the now-expired 1994 federal ban were
cosmetic in nature, and that reason is that the sorts of rifles that the Post
wants banned do not differ either in their “rate of fire” or “muzzle velocity”
from the sorts of guns that the Post does not want to ban.
The Post’s editors insist that they have no
interest in taking away weapons from people “who hunt or keep guns for
self-defense.” But that is exactly what their approach would do. The AR-15 and
AK-47 — the guns used in Dayton and El Paso respectively — both have exactly
the same “rate of fire” as does every other semi-automatic firearm on sale in
America. As a result, one cannot base a narrow ban predicated upon “rate of
fire” without also banning the majority of the firearms owned and sold in
America. By the same token, to build a ban around “muzzle velocity” would be to
prohibit almost all of the standard hunting rifles that gun-controllers say
they have no interest in prohibiting. Dianne Feinstein, who has spent the last
15 years trying to pass another “assault-weapons ban,” is still focused on
cosmetics because she understands that that is the only way to do it given that
the objection she is trying to address is . . . cosmetic.
One suspects that the editors of the Post know
none of this, and, indeed, that they have bought fully into the erroneous
notion that the AR15 and its cousins represent egregious super-weapons that
exist in a discrete class of their own. Clearly attempting to forestall any
constitutional objections to their plans, they write:
The Supreme Court has ruled that
the Second Amendment protects the right to own “guns in common use.” That
doesn’t cover the semiautomatic weapons regularly used only in mass shootings.
But this isn’t true. Not only is the AR-15 a standard
sporting rifle, it is also the most popular rifle in America; at a
conservative estimate, there are between 8 and 15 million of them in private
hands. The idea that they are used “only in mass shootings” is so preposterous
as to defy belief — akin in silliness to suggesting that the Ford F-150 is used
“only in hit and runs.” The Supreme Court has never directly addressed the
question of the Second Amendment’s scope. But if it were to do so on the
grounds of the “in common use” standard that was laid out in Heller, the
AR-15 would undoubtedly be protected because it is . . . wait for it, “in
common use.” That the platform has been used by some bad people in recent years
does not change that fact.
The editors finish their plea by running through a bunch
of falsehoods, begged questions, and non sequiturs. They insist that an assault
weapons ban would represent a moderate, unifying step (it wouldn’t: such a move
is supported by only two
in five Americans, and has proven impossible
to enforce even in pro-regulation states); they suggest that the “Founding
Fathers gave us the right to bear arms in a time of muskets,” and “did not
foresee” the evolution of weaponry (this is false: the Founders did not invent
the right, and they were fully aware of innovations in technology); and,
throughout, they assume that the debate is between those who “just want the
killings to stop” and those who don’t care (unsurprisingly, it’s not: most
people who oppose bans on cosmetic features do so in large part because they
know they are pointless).
Toward the end of the missive, the editors cite New York
City as a model — which, it has to be said, rather gives the game away. “One of
the big reasons that crime has fallen so far in New York City,” they write, “is
a crackdown on guns.” That proposition is debatable. But, irrespective of its
veracity, for the Post to mention New York City as a model in the same
piece as it decries “extremists who see every marginal change as nothing but a
step on the road to a universal ban” is ridiculous. New York City has the
strictest gun laws in the country. It takes eight months and nearly $500 to
obtain a firearms license, and even when one has one, one can do almost nothing
with one’s gun; it is impossible to get a concealed-carry permit unless one is
rich and connected — which has led to all sorts of flagrant corruption; and it
has such draconian transportation rules that it is currently in the process of
trying to change them on the fly so that the Supreme Court, which has noticed,
does not strike them down. It’s almost as if the Post’s editors have
something else in mind than “just” a ban on commonly owned rifles . . .
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