By Rich Lowry
Tuesday, March 19, 2019
The Southern Poverty Law Center has designated itself an
organization hostile to women and people of color.
It fired its co-founder Morris Dees for unexplained
reasons and removed his bio from its website at the same time it pledged to
train its management in “racial equity, inclusion and results.”
Simultaneous with the cashiering of Dees after nearly 50
years at the SPLC, roughly two dozen employees wrote a letter warning
“allegations of mistreatment, sexual harassment, gender discrimination, and
racism threaten the moral authority of this organization and our integrity
along with it.”
The missive is touching in its assumption that the SPLC
still has moral authority or integrity. The scandal is, nonetheless, a
remarkable comeuppance for an organization that has weaponized political
correctness for its own money-grubbing.
Over the decades, the SPLC basically made the philosopher
Eric Hoffer’s famous line about organizational degeneracy its strategic plan:
“Every great cause begins as a movement, becomes a business, and eventually
degenerates into a racket.”
Originally founded as a civil-rights group in 1971 and
gaining fame for its campaign to bankrupt the Ku Klux Klan, the SPLC shifted to
a catchall “anti-hate” group that widened its definition of hate to encompass
more and more people as the Klan faded as a threat.
It used the complicity or credulousness of the media in
repeating its designations to punish its ideological enemies and engage in
prodigious fundraising. It raised $50 million a year and built an endowment of
more than $300 million.
Imagine a left-wing outfit with the same shoddy standards
as Joe McCarthy, but with a better business sense.
Cleareyed, fair-minded people on the left have long
recognized the SPLC as a fundraising tool masquerading as a civil-rights group,
but its absurd overreach has in recent years earned skeptical coverage from the
likes of The Atlantic and PBS.
The SPLC never sees honest disagreement over contentious
issues if it can see “hate” instead. It named the Family Research Council and
Alliance Defending Freedom hate groups for opposing gay marriage. It designated
perfectly respectable restrictionist immigration groups like the Center for
Immigration Studies for the offense of favoring less immigration. It labeled
the American Enterprise Institute scholar Christina Hoff Sommers as complicit
in “male supremacy.”
The SPLC pretends not to be able to tell the difference
between Charles Murray, one of the country’s foremost intellectuals, and the
likes of the white nationalists who marched on Charlottesville.
Usually, being named by the SPLC means having the
designation routinely noted by the press whatever its merits, but occasionally
there’s recourse.
True to form, the SPLC somehow deemed Maajid Nawaz and
his Quilliam Foundation — devoted to pushing back against radical Islam —
anti-Muslim even though Nawaz is himself a Muslim. He sued for defamation.
The SPLC steadily climbed down. First, it withdrew the
“Field Guide to Anti-Muslim Extremists” that included him, then settled for
$3.375 million. “We would like,” the SPLC said, “to extend our sincerest
apologies to Mr. Nawaz, Quilliam and our readers for the error.”
The error? This makes it sound like the SPLC misspelled
his name rather than going out of its way to include him in a research report
meant to put a blot on his reputation forevermore.
There’s a lot of talk of the need for more civility in
our public life. Any journalist who believes this should shun the SPLC. Its
business model is based on an elaborate form of name-calling. It lumps together
people who have legitimate, good-faith opinions the SPLC finds uncongenial with
hideous racists, using revulsion with the latter to discredit the former.
This is a poisonous form of public argument. Not to
mention that many of the groups the SPLC smears have never had its employees
complain about its hostile workplace culture. If the SPLC is going to engage in
a period of self-reflection, it should think about what it has become — and
recoil in shame.
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