By Jonah Goldberg
Friday, March 29, 2019
I have to write this quickly because I have to head down
to the National Review Institute Ideas Summit and Basket Weaving Expo to debate
— or “engage” — my friend and boss Rich Lowry on the question of how
conservatives should think about nationalism. So in order to organize my
thinking, I’m going to lay out my basic view here.
For this nationalism conversation thing, it would be best
if I said he’s for it, and I’m against it. But that’s misleading. I haven’t
read Rich’s book yet, but we’ve chewed this over like a younger me in a
chicken-eating contest enough for me to know that Rich’s position is more
nuanced than that. In his big essay with Ramesh, he championed “benign
nationalism.” As I noted at the time, the “benign” does a lot of work. And as
Rich would concede, there are many kinds of unbenign nationalism. You could
look it up.
My position is nuanced, too. While I can live with the
formulation that there are good kinds of nationalism and bad kinds, I think
more in terms of degrees of nationalism. A little nationalism is necessary for
holding together a nation-state or a people. If there isn’t some conception of
“us,” then there is no investment in the success of the collective enterprise.
Countries without a sense of being a nation do not last and cannot get much
done.
I don’t want to overly wallow in nuance, but sometimes
even a lot of nationalism can be a
good, or certainly necessary, thing. Nothing arouses the nationalist spirit
more than war (and few things can arouse the spirit of war more than
nationalism). That’s because from the earliest humans onward, we have evolved
an instinct to unify in the face of an external threat. Our success on the food
chain derives only secondarily from our intelligence. Our primary advantage was
our ability to cooperate.
As Darwin noted in The
Descent of Man, our capacity for altruism and cooperation was the key to
the survival of our genes. “If the one tribe included . . . courageous,
sympathetic and faithful members who were always ready to warn each other of
danger, to aid and defend each other, this tribe would without doubt succeed
best and conquer the other.”
A tribe of prehistoric disciples of Ayn Rand — “this
tuber is mine and you can’t have any of it!” — would not last long against a
band of small-browed ruffians that worked well as a team. The John Galts of the
Savannah would scream, “You’re violating my property right!” as the brutes
smashed their faces in with a rock.
As G. K. Chesterton put it, “Nationalism is the
consciousness of nationality; and the consciousness of nationality comes from
the constant consciousness of danger.”
This goes a long way toward explaining why nationalist
movements inevitably find themselves using the language of war. As I recently
wrote in National Review, it’s no
coincidence that Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez constantly invokes World War II as a
rationale for the Green New Deal.
The language of war flips a switch in our brains that
causes us to drop other concerns and considerations. It’s like the episode of Little House on the Prairie when Carrie
falls down a mine shaft. Everyone drops what they’re doing, forgets about
property rights, commerce, or other personal priorities and rallies to save the
girl. Nels Oleson, the owner Oleson’s Mercantile, doesn’t charge anyone for the
lanterns, kerosene, or ropes he lends to the effort. Nobody says, “You can use
my horses, but it’ll cost you five bucks.”
In times of emergency, we’re all in it together. And
that’s a good thing.
But there are two caveats. The first is that emergencies
do not last, and when the emergency is over, the old rules need to come back.
If they don’t, then capitalism, democracy, and liberty are done for.
Emergencies must be the exception to the rule, because if we make the spirit of
emergency the rule, then we no longer live under the rule of law, but the rule
of tyrants or mobs.
The second problem is that real emergencies must be
obvious to all — or at least nearly all. There are moral equivalents to war. A
girl down a mine shaft is one. A meteor heading to earth is another, as are
various forms of natural disasters, zombie, vampire, and C.H.U.D apocalypses,
etc.
The Allure of
Power
The problem is that there are people who are very
attracted to the power that comes with emergencies. Power is seductive in
whatever form it takes: Emergency powers, money, Infinity Stones, the One Ring,
or, as we’ve seen in the case of Jussie Smollet, the cultural power that comes
with being able to claim you are a victim.
This leads people to declare emergencies when they do not
exist or to exaggerate real challenges so they can do an end run around the
conventional rules of democracy. There’s been a lot of the latter over the last
decade or so.
My problem with nationalism is that, left unchecked, it
devolves into the spirit of emergency. By placing the logic of “us” above all,
it must create thems that must be defeated. It casts about for threats to
justify a cult of unity. As Orwell observed, “As nearly as possible, no
nationalist ever thinks, talks, or writes about anything except the superiority
of his own power unit.”
It is fine to talk of “benign nationalism” being a good
thing, but this is a kind of tautology. Benign simply means good. So of course,
good nationalism is good in the same way that good violence is good. A
policeman who uses violence to thwart a rapist is using good violence. A nation
that uses nationalism to defeat Nazism is deploying good nationalism.
The hitch is that the concept of “good” lies outside the
four corners of the concept of nationalism. Rich and Ramesh write that
“Nationalism is a lot like self-interest. A political philosophy that denies
its claims is utopian at best and tyrannical at worst, but it has to be
enlightened. The first step to conservatives’ advancing such an enlightened
nationalism is to acknowledge how important it is to our worldview to begin
with.”
I have no quarrel with this. But think about that.
Self-interest is not necessarily a personal, social, or abstract good. Serial
killers act on their self-interest, as they define it. Not to go all Thomist,
but my understanding of Christianity (and Judaism and conservatism and the
liberal arts) is that we must use reason to inform and form the conscience to
define self-interest in moral and productive ways. Nationalism is only good
when it is informed, tempered, and constrained by ideas outside of nationalism.
Or as Rich and Ramesh write, nationalism “should be
tempered by a modesty about the power of government, lest an aggrandizing state
wedded to a swollen nationalism run out of control; by religion, which keeps
the nation from becoming the first allegiance; and by a respect for other
nations that undergirds a cooperative international order.”
In other words, for nationalism to be good it must be
countered and constrained by the concept of the good. If nationalism were an
unalloyed good — like, say, love — it wouldn’t need the adjective “benign.”
In its raw form, the only concept of the good contained
within nationalism itself is the good for us.
This is why nationalism is, like violence, at best an amoral concept. And like
any amoral thing — violence, tools, fire, whatever — good or bad comes from
what you do with it. The Iranians are nationalists; the Nazis were nationalist;
Maduro, Chavez, Stalin, Castro, Mussolini, the Kims: They’re all nationalists.
So were Washington, Lincoln, Churchill, and de Gaulle. What differentiated the
heroes from the villains was how they deployed nationalist sentiments.
Nationalism and
Socialism, Again.
My objection to the new nationalist fad is that many of
its practitioners do not do what Rich and Ramesh do; they skip the part about
nationalism needing to be tempered and constrained by things outside of
nationalism. Championing nationalism qua nationalism is simply championing
power. “Nationalism is power-hunger tempered by self-deception,” Orwell writes.
“Every nationalist is capable of the most flagrant dishonesty, but he is also —
since he is conscious of serving something bigger than himself — unshakably
certain of being in the right.”
This is why, historically, nationalism and socialism are
kindred phenomena. I’ve written dozens of times that, as an economic matter,
nationalism and socialism essentially mean the same thing. When we nationalize
an industry, we socialize it. And vice versa. Some doctrinaire Marxists think
nationalism and socialism are opposites, because they subscribe to the
straw-man concept of global Communism,
or they unwittingly still subscribe to the Stalinist propaganda known as the
“theory of social fascism.” Stalin came up with this notion as a way to
excommunicate any socialist or progressive movement that wasn’t loyal to
Moscow. He felt it necessary to promulgate his totalitarian encyclical because
it turned out that lots of people liked the idea of socialism, they just also
liked the idea of nationalism — hence national-socialist movements that were
stealing Bolshevik market share.
From the Bolshevik/Trotskyite perspective, any
nation-state that puts its interests above others is betraying the global
cause. But in the real world, this is nonsense. Because once socialists take
power, national interest and the self-interest of the ruling classes force the
rulers to talk and govern in nationalistic ways. That’s what happened with
Stalin, Castro, and every other Communist regime.
Looking Backward
Rather than rehash all of that, let’s look at Edward
Bellamy.
Edward Bellamy was, by any fair accounting, a socialist.
His utopian novel Looking Backward
did more to popularize socialist collectivism in America than anything Karl
Marx ever put to paper. When he died in 1898, The American Fabian eulogized:
It is doubtful if any man, in his
own lifetime, ever exerted so great an influence upon the social beliefs of his
fellow-beings as did Edward Bellamy. Marx, at the time of his death, had won
but slight recognition from the mass; and though his influence in the
progressive struggle has become paramount, it is through his interpreters, and
not in his own voice, that he speaks to the multitude. But Bellamy spoke simply
and directly; his imagination conceived, and his art pictured, the framework of
the future in such clear and bold outlines that the commonest mind could
understand and appreciate.
Looking Backward
inspired a mass “nationalist” movement, dedicated to “the nationalization of
industry and the promotion of the brotherhood of humanity.” The first
Nationalist Club appeared in Boston in the summer of 1888, founded by a labor
reporter for the Boston Globe. The
following year it started publishing the Nationalist
magazine. It didn’t take long for clubs to sprout up across the country. Two
years after the publication of the book, there were clubs in 27 states and the
District of Columbia. In Chicago, the Collectivist League, which had been
founded in April of 1888, changed its name to the Nationalist Club of Illinois
ten months later on February 12, 1889. Soon there were hundreds of such clubs. One
estimate held that were some four thousand “Bellamy societies” in the United
States and hundreds more in Holland, Denmark, and Sweden.
Looking Backward
offers an insight into how nationalism and socialism occupy the same part of
our brains, even if some ideologies try to keep them separated. Bellamy was at
first reluctant to call himself or his work “socialist,” even though it was
instantly recognized as such by his avowedly socialist contemporaries. “Bellamy
was anxious that his plan of social and economic organization be called
Nationalism because he wished to distinguish it from other and more vague forms
of socialism and because it was to proceed by the nationalization of
industries,” writes John Hope Franklin. Socialism for Bellamy seemed too divisive
a term. Nationalism was more inclusive.
The nationalist movement died in labor while giving birth
to the populist party. But the populist party gave way too much of the
progressive movement which was very nationalistic. But contained within
progressivism is a greater loyalty to power and the most important tool for
exercising power: The state.
Nationalism isn’t statism, but left un-tempered and
unconstrained, it always expresses itself as statism, and statism is the enemy
of all the ideas that make America’s form of nationalism valuable and unique.
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