By Kevin D. Williamson
Thursday, March 7, 2019
Allison Arieff, who writes about architecture and design
for the New York Times, doesn’t think
much of your dream house.
“The New ‘Dream Home’ Should Be a Condo” was the headline
on her March 1 essay about the National Association of Home Builders’ annual
“New American Home” exhibition, in which the people who make their money
building homes demonstrate new ways to spend money building homes. Arieff is
full of contempt for what NAHB put on display: too many square feet, too many
doodads and conveniences, etc. Her complaints are notionally about efficiency.
“Many builders will tell you that though these houses are large, they are more
efficient,” she writes, “even that they have a small carbon footprint. But this
is like bragging about the good gas mileage of an S.U.V. While a
10,000-square-foot house built today uses less energy than a 10,000-square-foot
house built a decade ago, a home of this size requires a phenomenal amount of
energy to run.” On top of that, she continues — and this is the illuminating
part — such a house “most likely has an S.U.V. or two in the garage.”
Which is to say, efficiency is the sizzle but snobbery is
the steak. Arieff, who formerly served as the editor of Dwell, possesses snobbery of the most predictable kind: She sneers
about faux-Tuscan “McMansions” being built in déclassé locations — Orlando, in
one case, and a site with a “view of the Vegas strip” in another — and scoffs
at the multiplicity of bathrooms and at overdone garages, automobiles (and,
especially, those awful SUVs) being emblematic of life as it is lived outside
of the parts of New York City and the Bay Area where the rich white people are.
Arieff herself resides in San Francisco, where the median price of a house is
$1.6 million and from which two-thirds of the African-American population
effectively has been evicted in recent years by public-policy decisions that
prioritize the interests of wealthy homeowners over those of less wealthy (and
less politically sensitive) would-be home-buyers.
From her perch in San Francisco, it may be difficult for
Arieff to see the headquarters of the newspaper for which she writes: The New
York Times Building is a Renzo Piano creation of glass and steel, one that
incorporates many purportedly “green” features. But the greenest thing you can
do with a glass-and-steel design like that of the Times Building is to build
something else — as prominent critics such as famed British architect Ken
Shuttleworth have pointed out, glass goes along with “energy guzzling” designs.
About 40 percent of the world’s energy consumption — and some 70 percent of its
electricity consumption — is related to the construction and operation of
buildings, with the latter accounting for the great share of energy use over a
50-year building lifespan. It may be that the Times Building is more efficient
than other glass-and-steel towers, even that it has a smaller carbon footprint —
but is this not like bragging about the relatively good fuel efficiency of
whatever private jet is flying Al Gore around these days?
The shopping-list approach to sustainable design — green
roofs! smart thermostats! — performs much the same function as a medieval
indulgence, a little like Leonardo DiCaprio planting a few trees to make up for
going around in that cruise ship he calls a yacht. One of the problems with
such indulgences is that it isn’t even clear that they perform as advertised:
For example, research suggests that buildings employing the popular (and often
mandatory) LEED standards are no more energy-efficient than non-LEED buildings;
some runs of the numbers have found that they use more energy, on average.
But the main problem is the related set of political
assumptions. You peons with your big, expensive garages are, in Arieff’s
estimate, an affront to taste and to the Earth itself. Community, too: Arieff
laments that one of these dream houses “is entirely self-contained, with no
regard for neighbors or neighborhood”; “it might as well have a moat.” There
are moats and there are moats: San Francisco’s moat is a financial chasm over
which the undesirable are unable to cross.
If you are familiar with this genre of nomenklatura condescension and
self-justification, you’ll foresee the usual predictable questions, which
Arieff expresses in the usual predictable ways: “Does anyone need 10,000 square
feet to live in?” “What if the next New American Home was [sic] a condo? And what if there was a new American dream, not of
auto-dependent suburbia, but walkable urbanism?”
Given the walkable urbanism of Manhattan, the relevant
editors of the New York Times could,
if they were so inclined, walk down to the offices of the Wall Street Journal, where they might learn a few interesting
things, e.g., that Henderson, Nev. — the place you build a house if you want a
view of the Las Vegas strip — is growing so fast that it is now the
second-largest city in the state, having surpassed Reno. The majority — not a disproportionate
share, but a majority — of new
residents there have come from California; in some of the nicer parts of
Henderson, California refugees account for 70 percent of them. Some years ago,
I left New York City with the intention of relocating to Southern California
and ended up in Henderson for the same reason as many of those Californians — a
disinclination toward confiscatory taxes, extremely expensive housing, and
condescension from halfwits who somehow always manage to conclude after careful
review of the evidence that the ideal mode of life is the one they themselves
already have chosen.
But, of course, there is no escape from domineering
nitwittery.
Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the newly
elected socialist who represents part of New York City in the House, cites
“science” when insisting that the specter of climate change raises the
question: “Is it okay to still have children?”
Representative Ocasio-Cortez did not consider the related
and perhaps more important question: “Okay with whom?”
Utopians are always authoritarians and totalitarians at
heart, be they urbanist utopians of the Allison Arieff kind or socialist
utopians on the model of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Whatever rhetoric of
democracy or inclusiveness they employ, they reliably end up embracing a
top-down and absolutist mode of social engineering, which is inevitable
inasmuch as one cannot have social engineering without social engineers.
Representative Ocasio-Cortez, who has been in office about twelve minutes, has taken
to referring to herself as “the boss” and insisting that she is “in charge,”
suggesting that she remains as bone-ignorant about the role of representatives
in representative democracy as she is about so many other things, such as how a
bill becomes a law and how taxes work. That the schemers and planners believe
they should be the bosses is predictable enough, but the more interesting and
corrosive underlying assumption is that bosses of the sort they imagine are
needed at all.
There is a different way of understanding government —
that it is not a ruler but an instrument, a thing constructed for the use of
the people: not rex but res publicus. Arieff assumes that it is
her job — and that of her class — to tell the lesser classes and their
representatives what the American dream should
be. What it actually is must be
considered, from this point of view, either immaterial or an obstacle to be
removed. The progressive view is that the organs of government (and by
extension the class of people who dominate them) must set as their task the
promulgation of rules about how we should live and how we should desire to
live, and that these rules can be tailored or revised in practically any way
that is dictated by pragmatism.
Setting aside that what they call pragmatism is always and everywhere a mask
for ideology, note that this position assumes an almost infinitely plastic
social order and moral framework, not to mention an infinitely plastic human
nature — hence the progressive rhetorical insistence that inconvenient
realities are “social constructs,” as if the fact that an idea has a history
rendered it arbitrary. This way of looking at the world is incompatible with
the American proposition, which is, despite the lamentations of the so-called
secularists, a moral and theological proposition: that the moral order is prior
to the political order, that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable rights, and that these truths limit what government (and men at
large) may do.
“The pursuit of happiness” is not a mere rhetorical
flourish providing a sentimental stand-in for the “life, liberty, and property”
of the Lockean trinity. Rather, it partly defines the nature of the
relationship between citizen and state: We seek out our own paths to happiness
— government just paves the roads where necessary. Arieff’s contempt for the
automobile and the progressive mania for trains show in miniature the entire
conflict: You tell a car where to go,
a train tells you where to go.
Bosses love trains.
And if we are to have bosses, we know what they’ll be
like: They’ll be like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who has been a little bit less
than honest in her account of her hardscrabble life, who is driven around in a
gas-guzzling minivan when she’s only steps away from a subway station, who
argues that bovine flatulence is an existential threat to human life but sneaks
a tasty burger from time to time. The hypocrisy of it is obvious enough, and we
could fill many pages of this magazine with a catalogue of the
million-dollar-and-up residences of our progressive class warriors, who simply
cannot be expected to live in the same low manner as the proles over whom they
propose to rule. The apparatchiks are entitled to their privileges, after all,
whether they be something close to a literal dacha in the case of Senator Bernie Sanders’s lakeside vacation
home (his third residence) or the granting of presumptive absolution for
offenses against the Earth in the form of all those private jets flying into
Davos every year.
But the hypocrisy, though vexing, is properly a minor
concern. What is most useful to understand is the sincere moral foundation upon
which it sits: Of course the New York
Times must have an impressive headquarters, one that elevates beauty and
prestige over such plebeian concerns as energy efficiency: The New York Times is important! You peons
raising 2.5 children out there in the splendid sunshine of Henderson? You are
not. Occasionally, one of these would-be middle managers of the soul will register
a protest: “A $2 million apartment in Manhattan isn’t really that impressive —
it’s expensive to live here!” The unspoken assumption in that line of argument
— that those who would rule over us simply must live in the most desirable, and
hence most expensive, areas — says practically all that needs saying on the
subject.
Perhaps Representative Ocasio-Cortez will commission an
environmental-impact study before having a child, if she should be inclined to
have one. But her precedent behavior does not suggest that she is exactly
scrupulous about living up to her own purported standards. She’s already having
to explain how it is that a firm she was paying with campaign money maintained
a PAC that paid thousands of dollars to her boyfriend in what certainly looks
for all the world like a classic case of Washington log-rolling. We can
anticipate the apology for that, too, having heard it so many times before:
“Never mind these petty, apple-stealing offenses! The important people have
important things to do — move on! It’s the People’s business!”
But the damned thing about the People is that they
mulishly insist on acting as though they had minds of their own, dreams of
their own, and preferences of their own in matters ranging from residential
real estate to family size. That fact — not climate change, not theocracy, not
Charles and David Koch — is what progressives are actually at war with, in
matters great and small.
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