By Wilfred Reilly
Monday, March 18, 2019
On January 29, actor Jussie Smollett reported to police
that he had been the victim of a vicious hate crime at around 2 a.m. in
Chicago. Smollett, who is black and gay, claimed that two masked assailants
yelled homophobic and racist insults, declared “This is MAGA country,” beat and
kicked him, put a noose around his neck, and “poured an unknown liquid” on him
before he managed to fight them off. All this in liberal Chicago during a polar
vortex that had brought subzero temperatures. Showing support for Smollett in
the wake of his unlikely story became a celebrated cause among progressive
politicians and celebrities. Those who took a more skeptical view of the matter
were attacked on social media and in the press as either deniers or even
perpetrators of the prejudicial hatred that still supposedly washes across
America. On February 20, Smollett was charged with the felony crime of filing a
false police report. The whole thing was allegedly a hoax.
Our nation is not racked with hate crimes. When people in
positions of power or visibility say that it is, they should be rebuked for it.
I have done a great deal of research on hate crimes in America, and the
tragically underreported fact is that an enormous number of such incidents
reported over the past decades turn out to have been hoaxes. While Jussie
Smollett’s case transfixed the nation, it is merely the most recent of a long
line of politically motivated fake bias crimes. It’s difficult to think of a
more compelling task for American scholars than to point out the dangerous lies
behind this invented crisis.
My research and analysis of hate-crime hoaxes began
informally. When I was a graduate student several years ago, I became
interested in two widely reported incidents near my hometown of Chicago. The
first was the burning to the ground of a popular gay-owned lounge in
inner-suburban Oak Park. The second incident involved students at the
University of Wisconsin-Parkside, where I once applied for an academic job,
reporting death threats by apparent hate-group members who put up hangman’s
nooses. Strong stuff.
I followed both cases intently and became aware of other
Chicago and central-midwestern hate-crime cases that occurred shortly after
these. In November 2014, Derek Caquelin, a student who had previously
criticized the University of Chicago administration for allowing “racist”
Halloween costumes on campus, claimed that his Facebook page had been hacked by
a reactionary group called the “UChicago Electronic Army.” Caquelin alleged
that the group had used his page to post extraordinarily racist and violent
messages targeting Caquelin and another student in retaliation for their
activism. During the same year, up the road in Detroit, a female student at
Grand Valley State University claimed that her dorm-room door had been defaced
with graffiti during Black History Month. The graffiti included the phrases
“Black Bitch,” “Die, N***er!,” and “F**k Black History Month.” In 2015, Matthew
Schultz, a student at nearby Michigan Tech, was expelled from the university
after allegedly threatening to “shoot all Black people…tomorrow.” Not long
afterwards, serious hate crimes would be reported at Beloit College in
Wisconsin and lovely little St. Olaf in Minnesota. Apparently, the pleasant
American Midwest was awash with hate.
But I noticed something unexpected. Most of the
hate-crime allegations eventually turned out to be false. By 2016, the Velvet
Rope Ultra Lounge fire had been exposed as an act of arson that had been
intentionally staged to look like a hate crime. Similarly, almost all the
incidents at Wisconsin-Parkside turned out to be the work of a disaffected
student named Khalilah Ford, who claimed that she had wanted to test how
seriously the university took racism. And Matthew Schultz had merely said that
he wanted to shoot Black Michigan Tech students “a smile.” His words were
intentionally misquoted and reported to campus and police authorities by a
fellow student.
The deeper I delved, the more it seemed that this
phenomenon of fake hate crimes did not appear to be small-scale or regionally
isolated. I put together a fairly large database of hate-crime allegations—346
of them—by searching for relevant terms such as “hate crime,” “campus hate
crime,” “hate crime allegation,” and “hate crime controversy” on Google, JSTOR,
and Google Scholar. Over several years, I was able to confirm that fewer than a
third of these cases could even possibly have been genuine hate crimes. A
genuine hate crime would require that the initial alleged crime was 1) never
exposed as a hoax and 2) never discovered to have been committed by a person or
group different from the person or group originally alleged to have committed
it. A majority of these incidents, which were almost all initially reported
with a great deal of fanfare and breast-beating, were later exposed as hoaxes.
Well, in truth, “exposed” is a gross exaggeration.
Evidence demonstrated that they were fake hate crimes. But that fact got very
little exposure in the press—particularly in comparison with the initial
publicity they generated. The headlines that had touted each case as a horrific
example of contemporary bigotry vanished from the Internet, replaced by either
nothing at all or by low-key rueful acknowledgments that a hoax had taken
place.
As I became more aware of the prevalence of these hoaxes,
the focus of my research shifted to the phenomenon of fake hate crimes. I spent
roughly three weeks in 2017 searching specifically for “fake hate crimes” and “hate
crime hoaxes,” using the resources already mentioned, as well as topic-specific
websites such as fakehatecrimes.org. By the conclusion of this research period,
I had a data set of 409 confirmed cases of fake hate crimes, all of which had
at some point received substantial regional, national, or global media
coverage.
I take no position on what exact percentage of all hate
crimes are hoaxes. Such a conclusion would be nearly impossible to calculate.
It would be necessary, just for starters, to determine the percentage of all
cases of alleged interracial fist fights that were classified as hate crimes
across every county-level police precinct in the United States, the conviction
versus dismissal rate for those crimes, and the percentage of prosecutorial
dismissals or nolle prosequi
decisions that were motivated by a belief that the allegation in question was a
false one.
In an analogous line of research, KC Johnson’s and Stuart
Taylor’s 2017 book The Campus Rape Frenzy
points out that widely used estimates of what percentage of rape reports are
false range from 2 percent to almost 50 percent. That number varies depending
on whether the standard employed is an official determination that the
allegation was false and hostilely motivated or that the allegation could or
could not be successfully prosecuted. Using Harvard data and an intermediate
standard, the Washington Examiner’s
Ashe Schow recently reached a third estimate: that 15.6 percent of rape
allegations are false or baseless, and another 17.9 percent of cases are not
substantial enough to be legally prosecuted.
What can be said with absolute confidence is that the
actual number of hate-crime hoaxes is indisputably large. We are not speaking
here of just a few bad apples. My data set of slightly more than 400 cases of
fake hate crime, focusing primarily on allegations made between 2010 and 2017,
makes that clear. The website Fake Hate Crimes was able to compile a
substantially different database of 341 recent false allegations on their
website. The researcher Laird Wilcox put together a third distinct list of
roughly 300 hate-crime hoaxes in the pre-Internet era, focusing only on cases
that occurred during his lifetime. Given that official FBI records document
only 5,850 hate crimes as having occurred during the most recent year on record
(2015), and that probably fewer than one in every 10 hate crimes is nationally
reported and thus a candidate for these data sets, it seems indisputable that
hoaxes make up a very large chunk of the pool of widely reported hate crimes,
and quite possibly the pool of all reported hate crimes.
Several serious studies substantiate this claim. In 2016,
for example, a report released by the “Hate Response Team” at the University of
Wisconsin–LaCrosse had to concede that 28 of 192 recently reported bias
incidents on campus were either hoaxes or had not occurred at all. This
concession of a 15 percent rate of false reporting of hate incidents almost
certainly represents a gross underestimate, given that the Hate Response Team’s
methodology treated such things as the “discover(y) of a Campus Crusade for
Christ poster on campus” and “a blog post about life as a white student” as
legitimate non-hoaxes.
False hate crimes inflict a heavy cost on society.
People—even decent people, people of good will—cannot be completely unaffected
when they are continually told that their fellow citizens are targeting their
own race for crimes. The hoaxes are bound to increase hostility between blacks
and whites. The wonder is that, very much to the credit of the American people,
these fake hate crimes have not (yet) fomented more real hate crimes. But if
the fake crimes continue unabated and unexposed, it is only a matter of time
before the racial divisions they fuel will inspire actual violence.
Why would anyone fake a hate crime? The basic answers are
fame, profit, and the advancement of a political ideology.
It’s no secret that there exists a large and
well-entrenched grievance industry in the United States. The Southern Poverty
Law Center (SPLC), which labels organizations such as the Family Research
Council and Jewish Political Action Committee “hate groups,” pulls in $51.8
million per year and has a well-invested endowment of $432 million. While
perhaps a bit more cash-poor, the great black advocacy organizations are no
slouches when it comes to rallying the troops: The official Facebook page for
Black Lives Matter boasted 326,993 likes and 332,368 followers when I accessed
it in November 2018.
Civil-rights groups such as the NAACP, the Urban League,
and indeed some of the very organizations mentioned above all did considerable
good in the past, notably during the civil-rights movement of the 1940s to
1960s. But today these organizations have a deep-rooted interest in presenting
the sort of bigotry they fight as a serious ongoing problem in the United
States in order to continue receiving donations and funding. More broadly, it
would not be wild speculation to say that one in every 10 dollars spent in
business interacts in some way with an affirmative-action or minority set-aside
program. These programs too have advocates, who welcome evidence of their own
necessity in society. Especially in a liberal environment, such as a college
campus, the false report of a hate crime brings both predictable support from a
preset group of allies and a chance to strike back at perceived oppressors.
The fact that there are
sizable payoffs for reported victimization, real or false, is the result of a
quirk of historical memory. Simply put, the American activist left often seems
to have forgotten that the civil-rights movement ever occurred, or that it was
a success. Although most forms of institutional racism have been illegal since
the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964, and affirmative action designed to
benefit African Americans has been the unofficial law of the land since the
Philadelphia Plan in 1967, one of the most consistent themes of modern
social-justice activism is that the United States remains a “genocidally”
racist nation. Allegedly the lives of black Americans, and to a slightly lesser
extent other minorities, are nightmares of unstinting oppression.
This is no fringe opinion. The official manifesto of the
Movement for Black Lives claims that Black people are “criminalized and
dehumanized” across “all areas of (modern American) society,” including—but not
limited to—“justice and education systems, social service agencies…and the
media and pop culture.” How the oppression is effected is not specified; it
never is.
The idea that civil-rights laws and policies of
affirmative action are toothless shams is quite common among both people of
color and white social-justice activists. According to a well-designed study
reported in the 2012 Richard Sandler/Stuart Taylor Jr. book Mismatch: How Affirmative Action Hurts
Students It’s Intended to Help, and Why Universities Won’t Admit It, after
nearly 50 years of affirmative action programs, 67 percent of African Americans
believe that if a black student and a white student were to apply to the same
university with the same grades and the same SAT scores, the white student would be given an admissions
preference and will be more likely to get into the school. Only 5 percent said
that the black student would have the advantage. And yet the latter is
undoubtedly the more likely outcome under the current dispensation. The
representative University of Michigan affirmative-action policy challenged in
the famous Grutter v. Bollinger case
awarded undergraduate applicants 20 full points for being black or Hispanic, in
contrast to 12 points for a perfect SAT score, four points for legacy status,
and 20 points per one-unit increase in grade point average (GPA). Thus, a black
applicant with a 3.0 GPA was as likely to get into Michigan as a white
applicant with a perfect 4.0 average, and more likely to gain admission than a
3.0 white legacy student who also aced the SAT.
Racial preferences this large have unintended
consequences. As Sander and Taylor demonstrate in Mismatch, the boost that affirmative action gives to many black and
Hispanic students during the college-admissions process results in huge gaps in
preparedness between minority and white students at virtually every level of
the American university system. Black students who might do very well on the
local state campus or at a historically black college find themselves
struggling in the Ivy League or at their state’s flagship university, where
their GPAs and test scores are, on average, lower than those of their white
classmates. The resulting gap in success between white students and non-Asian
minority students cries out for an explanation, at least within that huge
majority of universities where the “sausage-making” realities of racialized
admissions are not honestly discussed. And exaggeration of racism in America is
often a convenient one.
False hate-crime allegations have value because they
provide support for the meta-narrative of majority group bigotry.
Unfortunately, the hoaxers are playing with fire.
The mismatch problem is only one example of the general
trend—which Thomas Sowell demonstrates using extensive research in his
magisterial 2004 book, Affirmative Action
Around the World: An Empirical Study—in which affirmative action increases
hostility among racial groups wherever it is implemented. Members of the races
that are disfavored by the affirmative-action policy (whites and especially Asians,
in America) tend to resent the boost that is given to favored groups at their
expense. And many members of favored races (blacks and Latinos) naturally
resent the fact that their accomplishments are called into question by that
favoritism. One famous example of this latter trend is Clarence Thomas’s
affixing a 15-cent price tag to his Yale Law diploma to express his frustration
with prospective employers who assumed he had gotten into and through the Ivy
League law school only because he was black.
Both kinds of resentment increase hostility among the
races and, as Sowell documents in his research on affirmative-action programs
in countries from Sri Lanka to Sierra Leone, have even led to violence—up to
and including race riots and civil war. Thankfully, interracial violence is a
much, much smaller problem in the United States than in many less fortunate
countries—and also a smaller problem in America today than it was in America’s
past. More than 3,000 black Americans were lynched in the United States before
the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964. Today, threats involving hangmen’s
nooses are likely to be hoaxes. But the perpetrators of those hoaxes are doing
their best to exaggerate racial animosities—which may very well fuel real hate
crimes in the future.
It is a tragic truth of human history that fake hate
crimes have, on more than one occasion, been the precursor to real atrocities.
The best-known example is probably the “blood libel” against the Jews.
Throughout medieval Europe, Christians started rumors that Christian children
were being killed and their blood used in Jewish religious rituals. These
stories were, invariably, complete canards. But the false belief that the
Jewish people were perpetrating violence against Christians became the
inspiration and excuse for the Christians to commit real violence against the
Jews—vicious pogroms in which whole Jewish communities were driven out of their
homes and many of them killed horribly.
While the current epidemic of hate-based violence in the
United States is mostly an epidemic of hoaxes, and any “race war” going on
today exists only in the minds of a few radicals, there are disturbing signs
that the fakes are fostering real hostility among the races, which could lead
to real violence in the future. Consider, for example, the fact that hate-crime
hoaxes are increasingly being perpetrated by white members of the alt-right,
with the explicit goal of making black people and leftist causes look bad.
Hate-crime hoaxes take a variety of forms. College and
university campuses were hotbeds of fake-hate-crime reporting throughout the
duration of my study period (2013–17) and for some time before my research
began. Literally hundreds of major hate-crime hoaxes have taken place on
American university campuses during the past decade. Ninety-three of the 260
nationally reported hoaxes and sets of hoaxes to appear on the first eight
pages of the Fake Hate Crimes website either took place on a college or senior
high-school campus or involved a student as the primary perpetrator—and FHC
didn’t get them all.
Many examples are truly outrageous, almost unbelievable.
In 2016, at Kean University, the now-suspended Twitter account @keanuagainstblk
was used to tweet out multiple disturbing messages such as “I will kill all the
Blacks [who] go to Kean University,” tauntingly tagging the campus police
department in some of the tweets. This was taken as evidence that the
university president, himself a minority activist named Dawood Farahi, had
failed to do “enough to address racial tensions,” and massive demonstrations
swept the campus. The state police and Department of Homeland Security were
involved, and the total bill for restoring order and identifying the maker of
the threats ran to $100,000. In the end, however, an IP-address trace by police
showed that every one of the tweets came from the computer of one Kayla
McKelvey, a leader of anti-administration protests with past grievances against
Kean. McKelvey faced 90 days in jail and a fine of $82,000, and the long-suffering
Kean University issued a statement noting that the institution continues to
“wholeheartedly respect and support activism.”
As absurd as the Kean situation was, it was not
especially unique. The University of Wisconsin-Parkside case demonstrated that.
First an object resembling a hangman’s noose, woven out of rubber bands, was
found on campus by a group of students. The very next day, an honor student
named Aubriana Banks was sent a second noose made of corded string in the mail.
Later that night, students came across professionally made flyers posted around
campus, reading “N***ers will DIE in two days,” with the names of 13 black
students written on the bottom of each. Finally, after a great deal of shouting
and some detective work, most of the apparently anti-black incidents were
traced back to black student Khalilah Ford. It is worth noting that Ford was
initially identified as a suspect because her name was the only one on the
double-digit list of black targets to be spelled correctly. Incredibly, Ford
defended her racist flyers and death threats by claiming that the Parkside
administration had not responded quickly enough to the first “noose” found on
campus—for which she rather implausibly denied responsibility—and needed to be
prodded away from such unacceptable “racism.”
At the University at Buffalo in 2015, an anonymous vandal
posted the classic “Whites Only” and “Blacks Only” signs associated with
Southern segregation at the entrance to campus bathrooms and over several
prominent water fountains. The New York
Times, Daily News, and other
national mass-media outlets reported breathlessly on the “surprise” and
“outrage” of UB students. Then, during a formal campus-wide meeting hosted by
the Black Student Union, a black graduate student confessed that she had posted
all of the offensive signs as part of an art thesis project called
“Installations in Open Spaces.” She did this to create “dialogue” about campus
racism.
In 2017, the Diversity Leadership Council at Minnesota’s
well-regarded Gustavus Adolphus College went one remarkable step further.
Members posted flyers across campus informing “all white Americans” that
“America is a white nation” and that reporting illegal aliens to law
enforcement is every white man’s duty. Students who attempted to report the
flyers to the Diversity Council or
the college’s Bias Response Team were informed that those entities had
themselves posted the flyers to conduct “a social experiment educating students
on issues of bias and racism.” Again, so far as I can tell, no incidents of
actual racial bias have occurred at Gustavus Adolphus during the past decade.
As sophomoric as it may be, the recent epidemic of fake
hate crimes is not a phenomenon confined to literal sophomores. Another common
category of hate-crime hoaxes is made up of what I will call “Klan Springs
Eternal” (KSE) incidents. In these, members of racial minority groups use
fictional attacks by members of white hate groups to explain away their own
crimes or struggles with mental illness. In one 2016 case, which drew the
attention of the New York Times and
then-presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, three black women who claimed to
have been attacked by a mob of white supremacists on an Albany bus were exposed
on video as having actually been the aggressors in a very different sort of
fight from the one they described. In reality, they violently attacked a young
white woman, hitting her after a possible exchange of insults. In another
incident that received national media coverage that year, the individual
responsible for torching a historic black church in Greenville, South Carolina,
and writing “Vote Trump!” on the blackened exterior turned out to be a black
parishioner with a lengthy history of legal troubles.
Quite a few church burnings alleged to be hate crimes
seem to have been hoaxes. A very similar case, involving the vandalism of the
large and integrated St. David’s Episcopal Church in Indiana with graffiti
including a swastika, the words “Heil Trump,” and multiple anti-gay slurs,
wound down to a very similar conclusion in early 2017, when the church organist
who had reported the vandalism confessed to being the culprit. Media outlets
noted that his actions were not motivated by actual animus toward gays,
Christians, or blacks, but seemed to be an attempt to demonstrate the supposed
consequences of the Trump presidency. In a less political but equally strange
case during the election year, a black man in Florida was exposed by police as
the individual responsible for faking a hate crime by battering his
ex-girlfriend’s car with bricks, writing the words “KKK” and “Trump” all over
it, and then setting the vehicle on fire. The couple had apparently been
clashing over issues of child custody. In still another case that sparked a
national media frenzy, a black Louisiana woman who had claimed that men in
white hoods used lighter fluid to literally set her on fire was discovered to
have actually set herself ablaze and simply made up her original story. The
list goes on.
As several of these cases illustrate, the election of
Donald Trump as president seems to have inspired an entirely new category of
hate-crime hoaxes. In what we might call “Trump hate crimes,” as in
college-campus hate incidents, the actual numerical majority of alleged crimes
to have drawn national media attention seem to be total fakes. Perhaps most
notably, there’s the case of Yasmin Seweid, the Muslim student who garnered
headlines worldwide in 2016 after claiming to have been accosted on New York
City’s 6 train by three drunken white men who called her a terrorist and yanked
at her hijab. She claimed that her assailants were yelling “Donald Trump.”
After being confronted by police about multiple inconsistencies in her story,
Seweid broke down and admitted to making the whole thing up in order to avoid
confessing to her strict Muslim parents that she had been out late enjoying a night
of underage drinking with her boyfriend. The endgame of the Seweid case was
simply bizarre, with Seweid appearing for court dates bald—apparently, her
unsympathetic parents had shaved her head—and the Daily News revealing that in 2012 her older brother had also
falsely reported a potential hate attack.
Seweid is hardly alone in having tried to blame a made-up
incident of racial terrorism on the tough-talking president. In Philadelphia’s
hardscrabble South Philly neighborhood, a 58-year-old black man named William
Tucker was charged with vandalizing numerous cars and homes with slogans such
as “Trump Rules!!!” just before Election Day 2016. Back on campus, a bisexual
student activist at North Park University claimed that she had repeatedly been
sent pieces of hate mail with the hashtag #Trump containing messages such as
“Go back to HELL”—before she was exposed as a hoaxer by a campus-wide
investigation.
Bowling Green State University’s Eleesha Long claimed to
have been attacked the day after Election Day by three white men wearing
“Trump” T-shirts who followed her for blocks and threw stones at her head. A
police check of her Facebook and Verizon history showed that Long had been
nowhere near the location where she claimed the incident occurred, apparently
ever. The same email search by law enforcement turned up disparaging references
to poor white Trump supporters such as: “This is why you should take an IQ test
to vote” and “I hope they all get AIDS and die.”
In 2016, in still another notable case, Ann Arbor woman
Halley Bass became one of the small number of people to receive a jail sentence
for falsely reporting a hate crime after slashing herself across the face and
claiming that a white conservative angered by her anti-Brexit pin was
responsible for the injury. In a truly weird irony, Bass’s false hate-crime
report appears to have been inspired at least partly by the story of a
Muslim-American woman who claimed to have been threatened with being beaten and
set on fire if she did not take off her hijab in the “tense” post-election
climate in Ann Arbor. As far as anyone investigating the situation has been
able to tell, no such thing ever happened.
Judging from my own work as well as that of Fake Hate
Crimes and Laird Wilcox, false allegations of anti-gay and anti-Jewish crime
are substantially less frequent than fake hate crimes reported by campus
activists or people of color. But they are not infrequent. Frank Elliott, the
owner of the Oak Park suburb’s well-known Velvet Ultra Lounge nightclub, was arrested
in November 2013 and charged with arson and federal insurance fraud after he
burned down his own gay club, used spray paint to write anti-gay slurs
throughout the fire-ravaged building, and blamed the fire on homophobes.
It must be noted here that, especially given the small
size of these populations, real hate crimes against LGBT Americans are all too
common. According to the social scientists Caitlin Ryan and Ian Rivers, 80
percent of gay citizens report having experienced verbal abuse in the recent
past, 44 percent report threats related to their orientation, and 30 percent
report having been actually attacked or at least followed and chased. In
contrast to collegiate “hate incidents,” the majority of anti-gay hate crimes
reported to police or other authorities are almost certainly real. And yet
there are multiple verified incidents of anti-gay hate-crime hoaxes.
Elliott’s crime came to light only as a result of
multiple lawsuits against him by creditors holding past-due notes. By then he
had already benefitted from a $20-per-head fundraiser at the city’s trendy
Hideaway Bar and opened a new venue (the Bonsai Bar) with the proceeds from his
insurance settlement. In a similar case, Joe Williams, the owner of the organic
food store Healthy Thyme in Paris, Tennessee, claimed that three men came into
his establishment near the close of business, beat him senseless, wrote a
“three-letter homophobic slur” on his forehead, and set his store on fire,
causing about $5,500 in damages and forcing him to file a claim with his
insurance company. Inside a month, Paris police had established that no such
attack ever occurred; Williams was suspected of fraud and prosecuted for filing
a false report.
Some alleged attacks in this category reach a truly
jaw-dropping level of bizarre. In the spring of 2016, for example, Jordan
Brown, the openly gay pastor of the Church of Open Doors in Austin, garnered
national headlines after accusing a Whole Foods store of selling him a cake
with “Love Wins … F**got!” written on it in icing. Whole Foods responded by
producing videos showing Brown doctoring the cake himself. The story
disappeared from the news.
A few years earlier, in an on-campus story, the student
head of Vassar College’s Bias Incident Response Team, Genesis Hernandez, was
expelled from school for prominently “tagging” multiple student residences with
graffiti messages such as “Tranny Know Your Place” and reporting them,
essentially to herself. In 2017, the person found responsible for making
violent anti-Semitic threats to 10 Jewish community centers and Delta Airlines
throughout 2017 was revealed to be not an anti-Semite but an Israeli teenager.
The mainstream American media’s treatment of fake hate
crimes follows a predictable pattern: massive coverage of an obviously
questionable story followed by a well-hidden retraction if and when the story
is exposed as a hoax. One of the oddest things about hate-crime hoaxes is just
how long this pattern has existed. In 1988, a teenage black girl’s claim that a
group of white men had raped her, smeared her with dog feces, and written
racial slurs on her body was reported globally as the “Tawana Brawley affair”
and condemned as evidence of real racism. At one point, Brawley took on Al
Sharpton as an adviser and accused police officers and a New York City district
attorney of having participated in her abuse, before the entire nasty business
was revealed to have been a complete hoax.
In recent years, however, one new twist has been added to
the fake-hate-crime game. Whites now seem to be catching up. In Texas in 2015,
police supporter Scott Lattin claimed that black vandals had nearly destroyed
his white pickup. He said they tore out the glove box, ripped out all four
seats, and spray-painted slogans including “Black Lives Matter” down both sides
of the vehicle. Lattin raised nearly $6,000 via GoFundMe before being exposed
as a hoaxer and arrested on misdemeanor charges.
A year earlier, in St. Louis, Bosnian immigrant Seherzada
Dzanic received regional headlines after she claimed to have been attacked by
three black men who pulled a gun on her, pushed her to the ground, kicked her,
and threatened to kill her. The specificity of Dzanic’s story—she described
three distinctive-looking black men in their “late teens or early twenties”—led
St. Louis police to focus on solving her case for “a good 7–10 days that could
have been spent investigating real crimes,” before she was finally revealed to
have made the whole thing up. Also falsely claiming that a black assailant had
attacked her was Bethany Storro, a woman from Portland, Oregon, who permanently
disfigured her own face with sulfuric acid in 2010 and received national
attention after alleging that a black man had done it. She also finally
admitted to inventing the entire story. Media and scholarly analyses attribute
her dangerously strange behavior to a combination of unresolved racial issues
and “extreme narcissism.”
My research indicates that, although this has not always
been the case, anti-white hate crimes reported by whites today are, like other
hate crimes, very likely to be hoaxes. As a possible explanation, it is worth
noting that the timing of my study period (2013–17) took place alongside the
rise of the white-identity movement, including the formation of extremist Tea
Party factions (2009–11), the subculture popularity of Jared Taylor’s 2011 book
White Identity, and the growth of the
alt-right (2013–17). More whites have begun engaging in openly racialist
in-group-promoting behavior such as falsely reporting hate crimes. And it bodes
ill for the future of our country that the epidemic of hate-crime hoaxes is
already spreading from one race to another. The next danger is that, now that
minority hate-crime hoaxes have inspired white hate-crime hoaxes, some of these
hoaxes will inspire real retaliatory crimes.
There are ways that we can address the problem of
widespread false reporting of hate crimes. Prosecutors must put political
correctness aside and enforce the law by seeking jail sentences for anyone
convicted of falsely reporting a hate offense or similar serious crime. And we
must begin to challenge the narrative with facts, pointing out as often as
possible the actual rates of real hate crimes, fake hate crimes, interracial
crime, and police violence against blacks and others. Interestingly, success in
removing the unjustified fears created by false perceptions of oppression would
be the best possible thing for minority Americans.
Until we succeed in dispelling that false narrative, the
best defense against the epidemic of false hate-crime stories is probably good
old-fashioned skepticism. When some astonishingly unlikely-sounding event is
reported—a seemingly targeted attack involving rope, bleach, and MAGA hats
during a polar vortex in Chicago, for example—Americans should take a pause for
thought and ask some questions other than “That’s terrible; what can we do to
make up for it?”
Solving the problem must begin with acknowledging its
existence.
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