By Rich Lowry
Wednesday, February 21, 2018
If only Joe McCarthy had lived to see this moment, when
it is suddenly in vogue to attribute large-scale events in American politics to
the hand of Russia and to inveigh against domestic subversion.
Robert Mueller released an indictment of 13 Russians for
crimes related to their social-media campaign to meddle in our internal affairs
in the run-up to and aftermath of the 2016 election.
Mueller obviously isn’t a McCarthyite, and can’t be held
responsible for the hysteria — and hopeful expectations of an impeachment-level
event — that has built up around his work. His indictment is, as far as anyone
can tell, rigorously factual. That’s probably the point of it — to create a
record of an episode that we should want to know as much about as possible and
prevent from ever happening again.
The Russia campaign was a shockingly cynical violation of
our sovereignty. President Donald Trump would do himself and the country a
favor by frankly denouncing it. But the scale of the operation shouldn’t be
exaggerated. In the context of a hugely expensive, obsessively covered,
impossibly dramatic presidential election, the Russian contribution on social media
was piddling and often laughable.
The Russians wanted to boost Trump, but as a Facebook
executive noted, most of their spending on Facebook ads came after the
election. The larger goal was to sow discord, yet we had already primed
ourselves for plenty of that.
Does anyone believe, absent Russian trolls on Twitter and
Facebook, that we were headed to a placid election season involving an
incendiary, mediagenic former reality-TV star bent on blowing up the political
establishment and a longtime pol who had stoked the enmity of Republicans for
30 years and was under FBI investigation?
If you read the Mueller indictment, you might think the
Russians were everywhere, not only advertising on Facebook (“Trump is our only
hope for a better future”; “Ohio Wants Hillary 4 Prison”) but organizing
rallies around the country. But it’s not clear these rallies even came off.
The New York Post
couldn’t find any evidence of planned pro-Trump and anti-Hillary rallies in New
York — not exactly a swing state — in June and July of 2016. Pictures and
videos that appear to be from Russian-initiated pro-Trump “flash mobs” in
Florida show a handful of people in various cities. This at a time when Trump
was routinely holding rallies with thousands of people that garnered lavish
media coverage.
The biggest Russian rally success appears to have been an
anti-Trump event in New York after the election; it drew 10,000 people. This
hardly means that the #resistance was corrupted by Russian influence. Without
Kremlin involvement, half a million women marched against Trump in Washington,
D.C., and more than 3 million around the country.
The Russians didn’t do anything to us that we weren’t
doing to ourselves, although we were doing it on a much larger, more potent
scale. The Russians are just aping the arguments we are already having with one
another, and the sewerish level of much of the discussion on social media.
The New York Times
ran a report the other day on Russian bots, in the immediate aftermath of the
Parkland school shooting, posting on Twitter about gun control. It’s hard to
believe that this is going to rip apart the American body politic when many
perfectly respectable, red-blooded Americans themselves advocate for gun
control, and often in the immediate aftermath of shootings.
In a better world, Trump would be less defensive about
the Russian investigation, and his opposition would be less obsessively
invested in it (at least until such time that it produces a genuine bombshell).
We should seek to shut down Russian influence as much as possible, without
losing perspective. We aren’t divided because of Russia; we’re divided because
we have genuine, deeply held differences. The fault, to the extent there is
one, isn’t with the bots, but with ourselves.
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