By Ben Shapiro
Tuesday, February 06, 2018
Was the FBI out to get candidate Donald Trump?
That’s the big question emerging from the much-ballyhooed
memo from Representative Devin Nunes (R., Calif.), chair of the House
Intelligence Committee. Nunes’s memo focuses on the application for a FISA
warrant against former Trump foreign-policy aide Carter Page; the application
supposedly relied heavily on the Hillary Clinton–funded Fusion GPS dossier
compiled by British spy Christopher Steele. That dossier was filled with
unverified information. According to Nunes, top actors at the FBI knew all of
this and used the dossier as the basis for the application — all without
informing the FISA court that the dossier was a political document.
Now, the memo admits that the Trump–Russia collusion
investigation didn’t begin with the Page FISA application — it began, instead,
with an investigation into former Trump campaign advisor George Papadopoulos,
who has now pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI. Furthermore, Page is a longtime
target for the FBI, which began monitoring him in 2014, thanks to his extensive
connections to the Russian government.
But the case seems to be this: Fusion GPS funneled its
dossier to the FBI; the FBI’s top officials, including director James Comey,
worked with the DOJ, led by attorney general Loretta Lynch and deputy attorney
general Rod Rosenstein, to attain the FISA warrant based on the shoddy Steele
information. This is evidence that the “deep state” wanted to get Trump, and
that the same “deep state” wants to take Trump out now via the Mueller investigation.
It may well be true that the FISA application on Page was
fatally flawed and driven by prosecutorial aggression. But in order for the
most conspiratorial “deep state” claims to be true, a few other things have to
be true. First, we have to assume there’s no there there: that the FBI had no
reasonable grounds for suspicion regarding the Trump campaign’s ties to Russia.
Second, we have to assume that the entire Steele dossier is pure garbage, and
that all parts of it remain unverified. Third, we have to assume that the FBI’s
attempts to get a warrant against Page were driven by anti-Trump bias, not by
serious suspicions about Page. Fourth, we have to assume that all of this
wasn’t bureaucratic incompetence, but malice. Finally, we have to assume that the
same supposedly bad actors within the FBI and DOJ are now staffing the Mueller
investigation, or at least that their legacy continues through Mueller.
All of these claims seem weak. First, we know that Donald
Trump Jr. met at Trump Tower with top campaign officials and a
Russian-government-connected lawyer — and that he’d written in emails that he
was looking for dirt on Hillary, and was willing to accept help from the
Russian government. We also know that Papadopoulos was snooping for information
from the Russian government. There was likely no campaign collusion with
Russia, but to suggest that there were no reasonable grounds for suspicion is a separate claim.
Second, we know that large portions of the Steele dossier
were garbage. We don’t know that the FBI knew that the entire Steele dossier
was garbage; as Comey testified, he knew portions were “salacious and
unverified,” but he never testified that every element of the document was
false. That doesn’t mean the FBI should have used the dossier as the basis for
a warrant. But it does mean that accusing FBI officials of buying into the
dossier wholesale may not be correct.
Third, Page was a deeply suspicious character. That still
may not justify the independent warrant from 2016, as Andrew McCarthy points
out, but it does justify the FBI’s suspicions regarding Page. Page has a long
and nefarious history with Russia: In his early career, he advised Gazprom, the
Russian official oil company; in 2013, the Russians attempted to cultivate Page
as an intelligence source and stated in intercepted communications that “it’s
obvious he wants to earn loads of money”; a FISA warrant was obtained against
Page in 2014; that same year, he wrote in favor of Russia’s intervention in
Ukraine. Finally, in 2016, he became a Trump foreign-policy advisor.
Fourth, it’s possible that serious suspicions about Page,
combined with suspicions about Papadopoulos, led the FBI and DOJ to cut
corners. That’s not quite the same thing as the FBI and DOJ deciding to “get
Trump” and then backtracking to Papadopoulos and Page. This could be
prosecutorial overreach and incompetence. The FBI texts between agent Peter
Strzok and Lisa Page cut in favor of the bias theory, of course — but then
again, Strzok did state that he didn’t see any evidence of actual collusion by
2017 in those same texts.
Finally, the notion that Mueller is somehow responsible
for any of this — when he fired Strzok and Page, and when he had nothing to do
with the FISA application on Page — is a stretch. That’s why Republicans from
Representative Trey Gowdy (R., S.C.) to Speaker of the House Paul Ryan (R.,
Wis.) have disclaimed any such connection, and have stood up for the
continuation of the probe without interference.
There is a serious problem inside the FBI and the DOJ
with regard to the Hillary Clinton investigation. We know this. There may be a
serious problem with the FISA process; that problem may have affected the Page
application. But we should be careful about the conclusions we draw from the
evidence we currently have. If we aren’t careful, we’ll end up not just
mischaracterizing events, but smearing clean FBI agents and destroying the
basis for the FISA process as well.
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