By Chris Pope
Tuesday, February 27, 2018
On February 20, the Trump administration released a
proposed rule that would make it much easier for Americans to escape the
inflated costs of Obamacare’s health-insurance exchanges. It would repeal an
October 2016 regulation with which the departing Obama administration had
sought to restrict the availability of “short term, limited duration” (STLD)
insurance — a market exempt from the Affordable Care Act’s regulations, on
which health insurance could be purchased for around $124 per month, compared
with $393 on the exchanges. Obama’s regulation stipulated that these plans
could last only three months, while the previous rule had allowed them to last
a year and permitted guaranteed renewal of enrollment beyond then.
Congressional Democrats have denounced the Trump
administration’s attempt to restore the STLD market to health as an attempt to
sabotage the ACA. They have argued that the availability of affordable plans
outside of the ACA’s risk pool could deprive the exchanges of essential
revenues from healthy enrollees, and thus increase premiums for those who
remain.
But when premiums on the exchanges rise, public subsidies
automatically expand to guarantee that insurance will be available to enrollees
at a limited cost as a share of their income, regardless of their medical
risks. There is no need to force unwilling healthy individuals to pay hugely
inflated premiums for this to be the case. Punishing them with an
individual-mandate tax was unnecessary and unfair, while seeking to prohibit
cost-effective alternatives that actually did meet their needs was similarly
senseless.
Yesterday’s study from the Urban Institute demonstrates
with unprecedented clarity just how small a trade-off would be associated with
the substantial gains from the policy.
The report bears a dispassionate title, and the executive
summary picks out several statistics related to the combined effects of the
mandate and the STLD deregulation. But as was made clear during last year’s
legislative attempts to replace the ACA, estimates of the mandate’s impact are
so speculative and likely exaggerated that they serve to obscure less ambiguous
and more important statistics.
More interesting, and unmentioned in the introduction to
the Urban Institute’s report, are some remarkable findings that can be observed
directly in the report’s Table 1. From this table it is clear that:
• 7.4 million on
the exchanges eligible for tax credits would see no change in premiums.
• 4.2 million
would enroll in STLD plans, whose premiums would be far below those for plans
currently available. (STLD premiums in the fourth quarter of 2016 were 68.4
percent lower than those on the exchanges.)
• 4.5 million on
the exchanges without tax credits would see premiums rise somewhat (by an
average of 18.2 percent, compared with 8.3 percent in states prohibiting STLD
plans, according to Table 4 on page 16).
While there are roughly similar numbers of winners and
losers, the scale of benefits far exceeds the costs. Furthermore, while the
modest premium increases would be felt only by unsubsidized high-income
enrollees, the savings would be enjoyed across the income distribution —
including by large numbers of low- and moderate-income households.
On balance, the Urban Institute also estimates that
Trump’s proposal would reduce the number of uninsured Americans by 1.7 million
— a finding the report buries by grouping those enrolled in STLD plans together
with the truly uninsured.
In other words, restricting the sale of attractive,
affordably priced health insurance isn’t necessary to forestall the collapse of
the exchanges, but it has needlessly concentrated enormous costs on millions
seeking health insurance and forced many to go entirely without.
The Urban Institute’s study is also enlightening with
respect to the net fiscal impact of STLD deregulation. As a cheaper alternative
to the exchanges becomes available, low-risk subsidized individuals may
disenroll, and hence the government may save money. But as the risk pool on the
exchanges becomes sicker, subsidies expand, costing the government money. The
net impact of these effects has as yet been unclear.
The Urban Institute finds that the number of people on
unsubsidized ACA-compliant plans would fall by 1.5 million, while the number on
subsidized plans would fall by 600,000. As a result, the reform would slightly
reduce federal spending on health care for the nonelderly — by $686 million, or
0.2 percent — and should allay whatever federal budgetary concerns may have
impeded the proposal’s more thorough implementation.
These empirical findings (from authors who had expressed
opposition to STLD insurance) suggest that the deregulation of STLD plans
overall substantially reduces the cost of health insurance, covers more people,
and slightly reduces the burden on taxpayers. States should embrace it — and
give their residents a real chance to purchase affordable insurance coverage
for themselves and their families.
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