By Noah Rothman
Tuesday,
October 15, 2024
It’s
a sad commentary on the state of intra-Republican political affairs when merely
pledging to uphold the law is described as breaking with Donald Trump.
“Obviously
we don’t want to have the United States military, we’re not going to have that,
be deployed in the United States,” said Representative Byron Donalds, a staunch
Trump ally, on Tuesday. “That’s been long-standing law in our country since the
founding of the republic.”
The
rebuke was occasioned by the former president’s cynical musing about the many
subversive agents operating in the United States and the need to deploy the
armed forces to subdue them.
“I
think the bigger problem are the people from within. We have some very bad
people. We have some sick people. Radical left lunatics,” Trump told Fox News host Maria Bartiromo over
the weekend. “I think it should be very easily handled by, if necessary, by
National Guard, or if really necessary, by the military, because they can’t let
that happen.” The comments, which veered wildly away from Bartiromo’s premise,
reveal the extent to which Trump remains fixated on what he called “the enemy
from within.”
If
he is restored to the White House, it’s not likely that Trump would be able to
violate the Posse Comitatus Act at will. But nor would Trump be entirely bereft
of the tools that would allow him to do just that, and his former defense
secretary, Mark Esper, thinks he would certainly try.
In
a recent CNN interview, Esper recalled how Trump “wanted to use the National
Guard” and “active duty military as well” to subdue the often violent
demonstrations that erupted across the country in the summer of 2020. There are
safeguards against that level of presidential interference in state-level
affairs, and those guardrails held in Trump’s first term. “But my sense is his
inclination is to use the military in these situations, whereas my view is
that’s a bad role for the military,” Esper added.
Trump’s
remarks are a godsend to the Harris campaign at a time when it needs all the
help it can get. The vice president’s campaign and its allies are doing all
they can to publicize Trump’s remarks, but it is unlikely that Republicans have
been privy to that rhetoric. The Right long ago learned to compartmentalize the
former president’s imperious pronouncements. He, unlike his predecessors or
would-be successors in the Oval Office, cannot be taken at his word, some
argue. Rather, his comments should be subjected to exegesis by a priestly caste
who can divine from them their most banal interpretation. This, we’re so often
told, is the only intellectually serious way to interpret Trump’s guttural
utterances.
That
is irrational nonsense. More importantly, it’s nonsense to which the voters
that matter in a general election do not subscribe. Republicans often let
events fomented by Trump’s shorthand illiberalism get away from them by simply
ignoring their significance. The result is a runaway news cycle in which
Republicans play no part in shaping public perception. That’s not just bad
practice, it’s an abdication of elementary civic duty.
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