By Noah Rothman
Monday,
October 14, 2024
The
New York Times described an unprecedentedly large
Chinese military exercise aimed at surrounding Taiwan with a mock blockade on Monday as “a warning to Taiwan’s
government after the island’s president, Lai Ching-te, made a speech on
National Day last week that China regarded as a message promoting
independence.” I was in the front row for that speech. It seems that what
Beijing regards as subversive separatism is subject to interpretation.
Lai’s
address on Taiwanese National Day, a holiday commemorating the uprising that
resulted in the establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1911, was hardly
belligerent. “Their dream was to establish a democratic republic of the
people,” the president said of those who “overthrew the imperial regime” of the
Qing dynasty. “Their ideal was to create a nation of freedom, equality, and
benevolence. However, the dream of democracy was engulfed in the raging flames
of war.” Lai invoked the great battles of China’s revolutionary war — a war
Chiang Kai-shek’s forces lost — and the Taiwan Strait crises that soon
followed. “Though the Republic of China was driven out of the international
community, the people of Taiwan have never exiled themselves,” Lai added. If this
is a poor substitute for raw nationalistic bellicosity, it will have to do.
Lai
went on to tout his island’s commercial enterprises, its foreign aid, and the
promise of expanding its already vast welfare programs to its citizens. He
insisted that neither the Republic of China nor the People’s Republic of China
are “subordinate to each other.” He asserted that Beijing “has no right to
represent Taiwan,” and the president regards his mandate from Taiwan’s voters
as one that compels him to “resist annexation or encroachment upon our
sovereignty.” But while not all Taiwanese agree with these goals, “we have
always been willing to keep moving forward hand-in-hand.”
Casual
observers might see in Lai’s remarks enough to justify Beijing’s outsize
reaction to them. After all, he did insist that Taiwan is and will remain a
separate political entity from the one governed by the Chinese Communist Party,
and he pledged to preserve that condition. But closer observers of the region
noted that, tonally, the address was “more measured” than his inaugural address and less
provocative than remarks delivered by his predecessor in the presidency. A
lot of good that softening did Taiwan among its tormentors in Beijing. The
People’s Republic reacted to the scaled-back rhetoric in this speech as though
it were an act of war — a reaction that suggests war is China’s preferred
outcome.
The
Taiwanese are confident, though. Perhaps too confident. Officials in and around
government seem convinced that their dominance of the global semiconductor
industry represents a deterrent against aggression. They can hold
the world’s consumer electronics industry hostage in the event of hostilities
that would make pandemic-era supply-chain disruptions pale in comparison.
But
what if deterrence fails? Lai administration officials are quick to defend the
sums they’re committing to their own defense, which many regard as insufficient
given the acute threat facing their island. The amounts they are spending on
defense as a percentage of GDP outstrips many NATO allies, they say, and large amphibious invasions are historically
fraught prospects. But I raised invasion scenarios — including those that
consist of large-scale air and sea operations that rely on subversive domestic
elements for success — that produced drawn faces from my interlocutors. And for an
economy that is set to become the world’s
20th largest by purchasing power in 2026, justifying a 2.5
percent of GDP defense-spending commitment because it’s greater than
Luxembourg’s rings hollow.
There
should be no question that the scale
of China’s naval and air-force exercises represents an existential threat
to Taiwan’s sovereignty. Moreover, the supposed offense that justified them is
little more than Taiwan’s existence. The dragon will not be appeased.
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