By Nick Catoggio
Thursday, September 12, 2024
Nostalgia is a thief and a liar. It steals the pleasure
we should take in progress and replaces it with nonsense about the past.
If you find yourself pining for days gone by, chances are
you’re not pining for an era that was “better.” You’re pining for the
simplicity of youth.
I hate nostalgia, especially as a reactionary political
gimmick, but we’re all prone to it. This week, I found myself feeling nostalgic
for the relative sobriety and judiciousness of … Donald Trump’s first
presidential campaign.
I realize that I’m fooling myself, as nostalgists usually
are. After all, from his first moments as a presidential candidate in 2015,
Trump was demagoguing illegal immigrants as
rapists and drug dealers. He landed on America’s political radar in 2011 by
tantalizing suckers with lies
about Barack Obama’s birth certificate. He’s always been a cretin and a
smear merchant with a taste for intimidating critics. If he had displayed a
shred of sobriety or judiciousness as a candidate in 2016, he wouldn’t have
become a darling of feral populists to begin with.
But if you were the sort of partisan conservative who was
keen to find reasons to support him that year, you could find them. He chose
the very sober Mike Pence as his running mate. He ended up with Kellyanne
Conway as his campaign manager and RNC Chairman Reince Priebus as a top
adviser, both of them old political hands. After he won and began to fill out
his Cabinet, he selected sensible figures like business executive Rex Tillerson
and retired Marine Gen. James Mattis for top positions.
You could also assure yourself that there were alternate
power bases in right-wing politics that could and would check him as needed.
Rush Limbaugh, the most influential man in populist media, was still a
Reaganite. Fox News under Roger Ailes remained a propaganda organ committed to
the best interests of the Republican Party more so than of the party’s new
leader.
Trump would never be sober or judicious himself, but it
was conceivable that the political operation supporting him would be.
Not anymore.
This week, in the span of about 96 hours, a lie about Haitian
immigrants killing and eating people’s pets made it from the dregs of
online populism to J.D. Vance’s social media account to Trump’s own lips before
a national TV audience. When Trump visited New York and Pennsylvania on
Wednesday to commemorate the anniversary of the September 11 attacks, he brought
with him a 9/11 truther who
recently mused about how the White House might smell with Indian American
Kamala Harris living there. And his self-discipline, which has always been
terrible, was exposed at Tuesday’s debate as worse than it’s ever been for the
second time in less than two months.
Any 2016-vintage pretense that the inmates aren’t running
this asylum is gone. The man in charge can’t restrain his worst impulses,
assuming he ever could, and the people around him seem eager to encourage
rather than restrain them.
Do Americans realize it? Do they care?
Bad impulses.
“Trump has decided to pal around with someone whom MTG
thinks is too racist,” one of my editors noted on Thursday morning.
“MTG,” of course, is Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, one of
the kookiest, least decorous populist figures in a party that’s chock full of
‘em. Even Greene was offended, though, when MAGA “influencer” Laura Loomer sneered that a
White House inhabited by Harris will “smell like curry” and would probably
employ a call center with an unintelligible customer satisfaction survey tacked
on at the end.
“This is appalling and extremely racist,” Greene said of Loomer’s
jab, reviving an old
beef between them. “It does not represent who we are as Republicans or
MAGA.”
Doesn’t it? Loomer posted her shot at Harris on September
8; two days later, she was by Donald Trump’s side
as he arrived in Philadelphia for debate night. She’s also the
9/11 conspiracy theorist who accompanied him on his visits to New York and
Pennsylvania on Thursday. She represents “who we are” as Republicans better
than Greene herself does, it seems, if proximity to the party’s leader is any
indication.
It’s hard for me to believe that anyone in Trump’s 2016
operation would have allowed him to be seen publicly with Loomer, particularly
at moments when public scrutiny would be higher than usual.
Granted, that might be the nostalgia talking. The
candidate of eight years ago would have had no moral misgivings about showing
off Loomer on the trail. But as recently as last April, he retained the basic
good sense not to offer her a job on his campaign after
his aides advised against it. The fact that he’s now willing to treat her
like a member of the inner circle at prominent political events feels
significant.
Maybe it’s another example of his degrading impulse
control. He couldn’t resist ranting for an extra hour during what was supposed
to be a short, powerful convention speech, Axios noted
Thursday. Then, at the debate, he couldn’t
resist letting Harris get under his skin repeatedly with calculated barbs,
throwing him off-message. Perhaps, egged on by
his yes-men, he can also no longer resist including some of the sleaziest,
most sycophantic demagogues in his movement in his personal entourage.
Or perhaps it’s a calculated choice, a signal by Trump
that his second term is all about letting the inmates run the asylum. Loomer,
after all, isn’t the only crank he’s fine being seen with. He had dinner with two
famous antisemites at Mar-a-Lago around the time he launched his 2024
campaign, and in nine days his VP will follow through on a scheduled event
with Tucker Carlson fresh off Tucker’s credulous chat with a guy who thinks Churchill,
not Hitler, was the main villain in World War II.
Even if you prefer “poor impulse control” to “calculated
choice” as an explanation, though, you’re left with two questions. First, what
sort of political impulse is Trump feeling that would lead him toward a
character like Loomer? And second, what does this extremely poor impulse
control portend for how he’ll govern in a second term?
“Even by the standards of the first Trump administration,
Loomer is a completely unserious political figure, an order of magnitude beyond
your generic unserious politician,” congressional expert Matt Glassman
argued this week, sounding nostalgic. “She’s operating completely outside
of reality. It’s hard to emphasize how concerning it is that she’s in the
room.” Imagine who else will be in the room with President Trump in 2025.
That said, I think it’s possible to make too much of his
association with Loomer. She’s a convenient—frankly, too convenient—scapegoat
for what’s wrong with him and his political operation.
Semafor reported
on Thursday that some Republicans (anonymously, as always) suspect Loomer
of having poisoned Trump’s brain with the fake news about immigrants eating
cats and dogs. She flew with him to and from the debate, so she had his ear;
and in a universe of Too Online populist chuds, hardly anyone is more Too
Online than Loomer. She had the means, motive, and opportunity to supply him
with the pet-eating anecdote, probably his worst
and weirdest moment at the debate. It’s easy to blame her.
Easy, but probably wrong. Isn’t there a more obvious, and
much more significant, culprit in this case of brain-poisoning?
Pet sounds.
It wasn’t Laura Loomer who made the “Haitians
eating pets” lie break big in right-wing media. It was the Republican
nominee for vice president.
“Months ago, I raised the issue of Haitian illegal
immigrants draining social services and generally causing chaos all over
Springfield, Ohio,” J.D. Vance tweeted on Monday.
“Reports now show that people have had their pets abducted and eaten by people
who shouldn’t be in this country. Where is our border czar?” Some 24 hours
later, his running mate was repeating the claim at a debate watched by
67 million people.
I don’t have the space to rehash how those “reports” came
to be, but Zaid Jilani did a fine job of it elsewhere
on the site today and the Washington Post fact-checked
it in considerable detail in its own pages. The nutshell version: Racial
tensions flared in Springfield last year after a Haitian immigrant killed a
local boy in a car accident; in an unrelated incident, a black woman (and U.S.
citizen) elsewhere in Ohio was charged with killing and eating a cat; also
unrelated, someone took a photo of a black man carrying a dead goose in yet
another city in Ohio; and at some point, someone called the police in
Springfield to report seeing “a group of Haitian people” who “all had geese in
their hand.”
Somehow, this all came together into a narrative about
the large Haitian migrant community in Springfield catching, killing, and
eating their neighbors’ cats and dogs. That narrative, which ended up in the
lap of a U.S. senator who might be next in line to the presidency in a few
months, seems to have originated on a
white-nationalist social media platform.
Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, a Republican, did his best to set
the record straight, and the parents of the boy killed in the car accident
begged Trump and Vance to stop
exploiting their son’s death. But Vance was unbowed, as any good Trumpist
must be at moments when shame is appropriate. The rumors of pet abduction may
or may not be true, he conceded Tuesday,
but the Haitians in Springfield are a scourge regardless. “Don’t let the
crybabies in the media dissuade you, fellow patriots,” he told populists who
have been promoting the smear. “Keep the cat memes flowing.”
It’s hard to know where to begin.
Start with this: Vance, the apprentice, seems to have
already adopted his master’s propagandistic habit of caring only whether an
allegation is useful and not at all whether it’s true. Maybe the Haitians are
eating cats, and maybe they aren’t; what’s important is that, by using his high
public profile to promote the claim, Vance has legitimized it in a way that
will leave uninformed people convinced—wrongly—that
it’s true.
Trump has done that for ages, from using his fame to
promote the Obama birth certificate lie to laundering smears of his enemies
through the “journalism” of the National Enquirer. A patina of
respectability is all you need to lend credibility to the sleaziest slanders.
Vance is a quick study.
This incident should also finish off any pretensions that
J.D. Vance might be “a different kind of populist.”
To a certain kind of nationalist-curious conservative
intellectual, having a fellow traveler with J.D.’s brainpower so close to the
presidency raises tantalizing possibilities about enacting family-forward
populist economic policies. Trump will always be Trump, but Vance supposedly
represents something smarter and more substantive. He’s the thinking man’s
MAGA, a more cerebral America-First-er who prefers kitchen-table issues to
demagoguery.
In reality, it turns out he’s a sewer rat, the same
gutter Know-Nothing populist trash that you’ll find among the worst elements of
Trump’s movement. Let’s hear no more after this, please, about Vance being
“different” now that he’s started a Two Minutes Hate directed
at a group of immigrants.
The real significance of this episode, though, lies in
how difficult it is to imagine his predecessor on the Republican ticket
stooping to the same behavior. Mike Pence is
no angel—no one who spent four years apologizing for Trump could be—but he
was certainly more immune to the scummiest impulses of populism than Vance is.
For evidence, look no further than J.D.’s appearance this
week on the All-In podcast, where he interrupted his posts about Haitian
pet-eaters to again confirm that he would have blocked
the certification of Joe Biden’s victory on January 6 had he been in
Pence’s shoes. Nowhere is nostalgia for Trump’s first term more potent than it
is on this point: Vance would have been an eager enabler of the single most
destructive authoritarian impulse his boss had during his first term, not a
constraint on it as Pence was. The replacement of one man by the other on the
ticket is the radicalization of Trump’s operation in miniature.
With Vance whispering in Trump’s ear in a second term
instead of Pence, the pipeline from white-nationalist Twitter memes and
Russian-bot talking points to the Oval Office will operate more efficiently.
Jonathan Chait aptly
described him as “an important bridge between the GOP and elements of the
radical right that have been activated by Trump.” A figure like Tucker Carlson
doesn’t need J.D. to convince Trump to take his calls, but the advice he gives
Trump might prove more influential now that Vance is there to amplify it behind
closed doors.
And not just Vance, of course. The Tillersons and
Mattises will be replaced with Jeffrey Clarks and Mike Flynns next time.
Millions of Americans will vote Republican this fall out of a foolish sense of
misplaced nostalgia for the first Trump administration, expecting that the
second will pick up right where the first one left off in 2020 before COVID
arrived. (Especially with respect to grocery prices.) They’re in for a
surprise.
I’m too jaded at this point about the American character
to believe they’ll find it an altogether unpleasant one.
What’s left?
On that note, two questions. One: Are we sure Trump’s
digression at the debate about Haitian immigrants eating pets will hurt him?
It was received wisdom on Wednesday among the
commentariat (including me) that the smear would show swing voters that he’s
the same old crank at best and even crazier than he used to be at worst, but I
confess that that’s mostly wishful thinking on my part. A Dispatch colleague
told me this afternoon that their Trump-supporting friends are completely
convinced that migrants in Springfield are chowing down on cats and dogs
despite the total lack of evidence and the fact that those friends are
quite well-educated.
How many people who watched the debate, having heard
nothing about the Haitians before, saw Trump mention it and assumed there must
be something to it if he was willing to bring it up? And then went online and
found scores of MAGA drones frantically tweeting that it’s true?
Trumpist righties have had lots of practice at
creating their own reality. They’re good enough at it to have given their
man a 50-50 shot at the presidency after four criminal indictments, two
impeachments, and one insurrection. I would not bet against them on this.
Now, the other question: What’s left in this deplorable
party for traditional conservatives?
In terms of policy, each leg of the three-legged stool
described by Ronald Reagan has either
collapsed or is collapsing. In terms of personnel, practically every
sensible, trustworthy human in the Republican chain of command has been chased
out of the party and replaced with glassy-eyed
power-worshippers or mega-kooks. Even the supposedly serious conservatives
who remain … aren’t.
It’s not enough to say that a second Trump term is “unlikely
to be good,” although that’s true enough. The party of Vance and Loomer
will be dangerous, embarrassing, and often both at once. And that will prove
true this
winter even if Trump ends up losing after all.
His operation thrives on threats and propaganda,
fantasizes about persecuting
its political enemies, hatches malign schemes to install
coup-enablers in influential positions, and on most issues, apart from
immigration, barely
makes a pretense of having a policy agenda. Its popularity can’t even be
excused as a reckless backlash to mass privation, as happens sometimes in
countries following an economic calamity. There’s nothing civically healthy or
politically redeeming about any of this. What on earth are people doing
supporting it?
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