By Andrew C. McCarthy
Saturday, September 21, 2024
Evidently there were no fraudulent letters fabricating evidence of Russian
influence operations to sign this week, so former Obama-Biden CIA director John
Brennan — that notorious jurisprudent of jihad — had time to scold Israel over its
ingenious “grim beeper” operation against Hezbollah.
Is there any bottom point at which our cabal of
“nonpartisan” former national-security officials will refrain from further
squandering the intelligence community’s reputation in the service of
progressive Democrats and their alliance with Islamists?
Curtis Houck has posted the following exchange
between Brennan and NBC’s Craig Melvin:
Melvin: “[I]s detonating a wireless
device — is that an acceptable form of warfare?”
Brennan: “Well, I don’t, I don’t
believe so because there’s no way the Israelis would have known who was going
to have these pages at the time, which is why we see that there were some
children and others who were killed. It’s basically almost a fire and forget
mechanism that the Israelis engaged in here… [Y]ou have to question whether or
not this is a strategically wise in terms of what it might do in terms of just
further emboldening Hezbollah’s interest in trying to lash back against Israel,
including on the international terrorist front[.]”
This is claptrap. And Brennan knows it — lest we forget his role as President Obama’s drone-whisperer, racking up
an impressive number of civilian casualties in wartime strikes against
terrorist targets. (The oh-so-humane Obama administration resorted to kill
shots when its opposition to law-of-war detention complicated the option of
capturing and interrogating terrorists.)
As Rich Lowry and I discussed on the podcast this week, this is not peacetime. Israel didn’t
wake up on Tuesday and say, “Let’s do a number on Hezbollah” — or, as the
Hezbollah spin that Brennan echoes would have it, “let’s do some indiscriminate
attacks against Lebanese civilians.” (Hezbollah’s narrative is that Israel
seeks to destroy Lebanon, which therefore needs Hezbollah as its guardian, a
distortion of the reality that Iran, with Hezbollah as its enforcer, holds
Lebanon hostage in order to maintain a strategic perch on Israel’s northern border.)
While Brennan proceeds with his long-standing search for the “moderate elements” of Hezbollah,
the rest of us might remember that “the Party of Allah” (Hizb Allah) has
been designated as a terrorist organization under U.S. law for three decades
(i.e., since the designation process was enacted into law) because of its
dedication to Iran’s global jihad and its habit of killing Americans.
Hezbollah was established in 1982, based in Lebanon to
confront American forces massed there as “peacekeepers” after Israel expelled
Yasser Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organization. According to its manifesto,
Hezbollah is
the vanguard . . . made victorious
by Allah in Iran [in 1979]. There the vanguard succeeded to lay down the bases
of a Muslim state which plays a central role in the world. We obey the orders
of one leader, wise and just, that of our tutor and faqih [sharia jurist] who
fulfills all the necessary conditions: [Ayatollah] Ruhollah Musawi Khomeini.
I’ve previously recounted Hezbollah’s early years of waging
Khomeini’s jihad:
Hezbollah’s founding quickly
resulted in a spate of kidnappings, torture, and bombing. (See this useful timeline from CAMERA.) In April 1983, for example,
a Hezbollah car bomb killed 63 people, including eight CIA officials, at
the U.S. embassy in Beirut. More infamously, the organization six months later
truck-bombed a military barracks in Beirut, murdering 241 United States Marines
(and killing 58 French soldiers in a separate attack). These operations, like
many other Hezbollah atrocities, were orchestrated by Imad Mugniyah, long the
organization’s most ruthless operative. [Mugniyah was killed in a joint U.S.-Israeli intelligence
operation in 2008.]
On December 12, 1983, the U.S.
embassy in Kuwait was bombed, killing six and wounding scores of others. The
bombers were tied to al-Dawa, a terror organization backed by Iran and leading
the Shiite resistance against Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi regime (with which Iran
was at war). . . . Among the “Dawa 17” convicted and sentenced to death for the
bombing was Imad Mugniyah’s cousin and brother in law, Youssef Badreddin.
(Badreddin escaped in the chaos of Saddam’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait.) [He was
eventually killed in Syria in 2016, where, for five years, he’d been
running Hezbollah’s military operations to prop up Iran’s ally, the monstrous
Assad regime.]
Meanwhile, in 1984, Hezbollah
bombed both the U.S. embassy annex in Beirut, killing two, and a restaurant
near the U.S. Air Force base in Torrejon, Spain, killing 18 American
servicemen. On March 16 of that year, Hezbollah operatives kidnapped William Francis
Buckley, the CIA’s station chief in Beirut. He was whisked to Damascus and onto
Tehran where he became one of the hostages whose detention led
to the Iran/Contra affair. Under Mugniyah’s direction, Buckley was tortured
for 15 months, dying of a heart attack under that duress.
Hezbollah hijackers seized a Kuwait
Airlines plane in December 1984, murdering four of the passengers, including
two Americans. Six months later, Hezbollah operatives hijacked TWA Flight 847
after it left Greece. The jihadists discovered that one of their hostages was a
U.S. Navy diver named Robert Stethem. They beat him severely and then shot him
to death before dumping his body onto the tarmac of Beirut airport. In early
1988, Hezbollah kidnapped and ultimately murdered Colonel William Higgins, a
U.S. Marine serving in Lebanon.
When al-Qaeda formed in the 1990s, it struck an alliance
with Iran and Hezbollah — the mutual determination to wage jihad against the
“big Satan” and the “little Satan” (America and Israel) always leads jihadists
to set aside Islam’s internecine Sunni/Shiite belligerence. I’ve recapped this, too:
Iran had an alliance with al-Qaeda
beginning in the early 1990s. It principally included training by Hezbollah . .
. and such joint ventures as the 1996 Khobar Towers attack, in which 19 U.S.
airmen were killed (and the FBI’s investigation of which was obstructed by the
Saudi government). Toward the conclusion of its probe (and thus without time to
investigate the matter fully), the 9/11 Commission learned that Iran had
provided critical assistance to the suicide hijackers by allowing them to
transit through Iran and Lebanon as they moved from obtaining travel documents
in Saudi Arabia (Saudi passports and U.S. visas) to training for the attacks in
al-Qaeda’s Afghan safe havens.
Indeed, we now know that Iran’s
assistance was overseen by none less than Imad Mugniyah. . . . In October 2000,
Mugniyah went to Saudi Arabia to “coordinate activities” (as the 9/11
Commission put it) with the suicide hijackers. (See 9/11
Commission Report at page 240, as well as affidavits of former CIA officers
and a 9/11 Commission staffer, here
and here).
Thereafter, Mugniyah and other senior Hezbollah members accompanied the “muscle
hijackers” on flights through Iran and Lebanon.
By enabling the hijackers to cross
through these countries without having their passports stamped — an Iranian or
Lebanese stamp being a telltale sign of potential terrorist training — Iran
made it much more likely that the jihadists’ applications for Saudi passports
and U.S. visas would be approved, as they were.
Pretty moderate, no?
The 9/11 Commission urged that the federal government
further investigate Iran’s and Hezbollah’s role in the suicide-hijacking
attacks in which nearly 3,000 Americans were slaughtered. Alas, U.S. officials
have been loath to draw attention to this subject, thanks to their delusional
quest for rapprochement with Iran, despite the jihadist regime’s death grip.
Not content with willful blindness, the administration in which Brennan was the
top intelligence official affirmatively abetted Iran, putting it on a glide path to nuclear weapons and filling its coffers with
oil revenue — the billions it has in turn poured into missiles and other
material support for Hezbollah and other anti-American, anti-Israeli,
anti-Western jihadist groups. The Biden-Harris administration has revived this suicidal
policy.
From its strategic stronghold on Israel’s northern
border, Iran’s Hezbollah forces form the spear tip of the jihad unabashedly
aimed at Israel’s annihilation. A day after Iran’s comparatively backward Hamas
proxies unleashed their October 7 barbarities, Hezbollah commenced sporadic
missile attacks on Israel that have continued at varying intensity levels ever
since. (Hezbollah’s arsenal is believed to include over 150,000
Iranian-manufactured ballistic missiles.) The result has been the forced
evacuation of northern Israeli communities. The government evacuated 60,000
people, and thousands more have had to follow as the skirmishes intensify.
This has forced Israel to fight an ever-expanding,
multifront war. To repeat (see, e.g., here, here, and here), Hezbollah’s operations in the north, complementing
Hamas’s attacks (abetted by Egyptian jihadists) in the southwest, have been
supplemented by (a) Iran-backed jihadists on Israel’s eastern border (over a dozen jihadist “battalions,” including Hamas,
Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades) in the West Bank;
and (b) the Houthis (Ansar Allah), Iran’s proxies in Yemen, who
conduct bombing raids from over the horizon. One of the Houthis’ Iranian-made
missiles was struck by an Israeli interceptor missile before hitting Tel Aviv
just a few days ago. (Israel has denied early reports that this was a hypersonic
missile. Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has reportedly developed
such missiles, which travel at extraordinarily high speed and with
maneuverability in flight, making them difficult to track and defend against.)
The war is constricting Israel’s territory. In the West,
we are largely uninformed about the effect this is having. That’s not just
because we are not experiencing it ourselves. Israel’s forces and defense
measures are so effective that the jihadists arrayed against them have been
unable to carry out an attention-grabbing, mass-casualty strike since last
October 7.
In Israel, however, the intensifying war in the north
means a second school year has now begun with a significant slice of the
population forced out of their communities, schools, and homes. This is
increasing the pressure on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government — a
fragile coalition that was already under political duress due to the
pre-October 7 controversy over a proposed overhaul of Israeli courts and
the stunning intelligence failures in the lead-up to Hamas’s
attack, in which nearly 1,200 were killed, 251 were taken hostage, and hundreds
more maimed, raped, and wounded.
In the transnational-progressive echo chamber, Israel
suffers from a competence penalty: As a tiny island in a sea of hostiles, it
has become adept at homeland defense. Consequently, it is hamstrung by the
Left’s distortion of proportionality. This principle of warfare is
actually not a bean-counting exercise in which Israel’s combat operations must
be constrained by how many Israelis its enemies succeed in killing.
In war, the objective is to break the enemy force’s will
so that the fighting ends. That — victory — is the surest way to
minimize casualties. It is far preferable, in this grim calculation, to the
“international community’s” appetite for cease-fires that enable terrorists and
their state sponsors to regroup for future murder, mayhem, and repression of
civilian populations, rather than being defeated conclusively.
The laws of war do not outlaw victory. It is not expected
that an honorable military force will cause no civilian casualties.
Notice that in the Obama years, Brennan defended himself by stressing — quite
correctly — that U.S. precision drone strikes assassinated terrorists
while minimizing collateral damage. He didn’t claim to have eliminated
civilian deaths and damage to civilian infrastructure. The only way to do that,
when confronted by an enemy that flouts the laws of war by embedding in
civilian areas, is to surrender. Instead, honorable combatants are expected to
make reasonable efforts — not the herculean efforts Israel customarily makes,
but reasonable efforts — to limit civilian casualties and damage to civilian
infrastructure while nevertheless killing and capturing enemy fighters and
demolishing enemy assets.
Proportionality is a matter of trying to ensure, within
reasonable military judgment, that the degree of force used is commensurate
with the military significance of the target, recognizing that there will
inevitably be collateral damage — even a great deal of damage if the target is
sufficiently valuable.
Needless to say, Hezbollah has no interest in the Western
conception of civilized warfare . . . except insofar as it can be used against
Israel and the West.
In just the last two months of its war of aggression,
Hezbollah killed twelve Israeli Druze children in a missile strike that hit a
soccer field. Israel responded with a targeted air strike that killed Hezbollah’s senior commander in Lebanon, Fuad Shukr — only
to be lectured about “escalation” by the Biden-Harris administration,
notwithstanding Shukr’s leading role in the afore-described 1983 attack in
which 241 U.S. Marines were killed. As ever, Hezbollah proceeded to launch
regular barrages of rockets at northern Israel, leading up to August 25’s
attempt to fire in excess of 2,000 missiles simultaneously, a major attack
thwarted at the last minute by Israel’s preemptive strike (in which about 100
IDF warplanes took out nearly 300 of Hezbollah’s missile launchers, among other
targets in Lebanon). With that gambit having failed, Hezbollah tried again less
than two weeks ago, with a more modest barrage of over 200 rockets and drones;
but on alert, Israel managed another preemptive aerial blitz that rendered the
attack a failure.
Following the smashing success of the grim-beeper
operation, Hezbollah launched another 120 rockets on Friday. As usual, the
barrage had little effect, except in underscoring that the constant missile
fire has left northern Israel scarcely inhabited. Netanyahu, however, had
better steel himself for another “escalation” lecture by the Biden-Harris
administration because the IDF followed this enemy attack by killing Ibrahim Aqil, yet another Hezbollah commander, who
was complicit in both the Marine barracks and U.S. Embassy bombings in 1983,
along with about 20 other jihadists in what they mistakenly thought were their
Beirut safe houses.
This is the daily reality for Israel. From every side it
faces jihadists who are trying to kill its citizens. But under the competence
penalty, we’re supposed to consciously avoid the annihilationist intentions of
these enemies — who are also committed enemies of the United States — and
hand-wring about collateral damage from pagers exploding on terrorist hips.
Of course there was no way Israel would know exactly
where those hundreds of pagers were going to be positioned when they were
detonated. But because it knew Hezbollah assigned pagers to its operatives,
Israel, in its defense, devised a scheme that maximized discrimination — unlike
the jihadist aggressors, who murder indiscriminately. The operation had a very
high chance of taking out Hezbollah fighters without causing too many civilian
casualties. It was proportionate. As a matter of practice, moreover, the IDF
has gone to historically unprecedented lengths to avoid civilian casualties, at
the expense of the safety of its own troops, and with the knowledge that these
measures allow some number of jihadists to evade capture — jihadists who will
use this new lease on life to plot and execute future attacks against Israeli
civilians and troops.
Even given the low expectations that attach from John
Brennan’s years in the Obama-Biden national-security orbit, it’s astounding to
hear him fret that Israel’s brilliant surgical attack on Hezbollah jihadists
may not have been “strategically wise” because it ran the risk of “further
emboldening Hezbollah’s interest in trying to lash back against Israel.” What
part of “Death to America and Death to Israel” does our nation’s former top
intelligence official not get?
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