By Kevin D. Williamson
Wednesday, September 04, 2024
You stink at game theory.
Probably you do. Most people do. Do you know how a lot of
men think they know how to fight or throw a football or … run the executive
branch of the U.S. government … without ever having been taught how to do it?
You know what those guys sound like when they talk? That’s what I hear when
people talk about strategic voting.
Pat Toomey, the admirable conservative and former senator
from Pennsylvania, just invited a torrent of bootless attempts to display
cleverness when he announced
that, come November, he would vote neither for Donald Trump nor for Kamala
Harris for president. While I suspect there is some politics-of-cooties at work
there—nobody who wants a future in Republican politics wants to be on the
record voting for Harris—it is an entirely defensible position. Nonetheless,
the harrumphs arose thundering from the Schuylkill Expressway to Crosstown
Boulevard, from points in between and from points beyond.
Unlike most of the people who agonize in public about
their presidential vote—the 97 percent of public agonizers who reside in New
York City, California, or Washington and whose public agonizing thus amounts to
something less consequential than a vague rumor of donkey squat—Toomey lives in
a battleground state. Pennsylvania could—and
very well may—decide the 2024 election.
But, even if it does, Toomey’s vote is unlikely to be a
matter of historical significance. It is very, very unlikely that either Trump
or Harris will win the Keystone State by a single vote. No single vote, even in
the most closely split state, has much consequence in that way.
Votes are aggregate things, and they are expressive
things.
Consider the case of Texas: Mitt Romney won Texas in
2012, and Donald Trump won Texas in 2016 and in 2020—but Romney won with 57.2
percent of the vote, while Trump underperformed him by 5 points in 2016 and
then underperformed himself, slightly, in 2020, declining from 52.2 percent of
the vote to 52.0 percent of the vote. The Republican (or “Republican,” Trump
being a literal RINO) won in every case, but Texas voters are sending
the GOP a message. If Trump should win Texas by an even smaller margin in 2024,
that also will be significant, though it will have no effect on the outcome of
the election. Of course it is the case that, at some point, losing 5 points
here and a fraction of a point there means losing the state, because states
flip Hemingway style: gradually, then suddenly.
The sudden part makes the headlines, even though the
gradual part is where the real evolution happens. The GOP’s position in Texas
in 2020 already was 11.6 points lower than the high-water mark of 1984. (Fun
nugget: Ronald Reagan set the benchmark in Texas at a time when the state was
Democrat-dominated, having elected only one Republican governor since
Reconstruction, nearly two decades before Republicans would finally win control
of the statehouse.) Losing another few points would flip the state (Joe Biden
took 46.5 percent of the vote in 2020) but would be in absolute terms a smaller
decline than the (halting and inconsistent) one the GOP has seen since
1984.
With that in mind, there are a couple of ways of
approaching a vote in a presidential election. The first and most obvious—and
the one I recommend—is: voting for the candidate you prefer. (A subset of that
approach is not voting if you don’t like any of the candidates: That, too, is
usefully expressive.) The second is: voting to send a message to one party or
the other. If (to stick with the earlier case) Trump’s vote share in Texas
declines a bit more in 2024, then that will tell Republicans something. But—and
here is where I suppose my Bulwark friends and Joe Scarborough et al.
really have their heads—it makes a difference whether Harris’ share of the vote
goes up, too, or if Trump simply bleeds votes to the Libertarian Party
or to Mitch Daniels or whomever it is my friend in Tarrant County is writing
in. A voter who goes from the GOP to the Libertarians is a loss of one vote,
but a voter who goes from the GOP to the Democrats is, in effect, a two-vote
loss: Minus one for Trump and plus one for Harris. And if that is the message
you want to send—or if you are a Democrat who wants to vote for Donald Trump to
… I don’t know, maybe punish your party for failing to stage a coup d’état
the last time it lost an election?—that’s how you do it. You add your voice to
the other voices making the same point or a complementary one.
That’s all good.
But don’t inflict your “binary choice” horsefeathers on
your friends and the general public. There are lots of ways to use your vote,
many of them effective as political expression and almost none of them likely
to be very consequential in determining the outcome.
This isn’t really a time for cleverness. It is, as
someone once put it, a time for choosing.
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