By Noah Rothman
Tuesday, July 09, 2024
CNN’s Harry
Enten declined to sugarcoat the predicament in which Democrats find
themselves. Not only is Joe Biden going to lose the race in November, Enten
said in his analysis of the post-debate polling landscape, but he will take his
party with him. “The House would likely be gone,” he observed. Moreover, “the
chance of Democrats holding the Senate is close to zero.”
That state of play contrasts with every presidential race
this century, in which the Democratic Party’s presumptive nominee has
led his or her Republican counterpart at this point in the race. Moreover,
the party’s down-ballot prospects have rarely been worse. As the reliable
annual National Public Opinion Reference Survey recently found,
for the first time since George W. Bush’s first term, more Americans identify
as Republicans than Democrats.
There is an earth-killer asteroid on a bound trajectory
for the Democratic Party. Its members can see it coming, and there is still
time to divert it from its apocalyptic course. But its elites and influencers
are unwilling or unable to act collectively in the interest of their own
self-preservation. So, even with time on the clock, Democrats are resigning
themselves to their fates.
The drawn expressions on the faces of the Democrats
emerging from Tuesday’s House caucus meeting said as much. It “felt like a
funeral,” one unnamed House Democrat said. “That is an insult to
funerals,” another opined. “The morale of the caucus is at historic
lows.” Some enterprising team players attempted to summon
something resembling enthusiasm
for Biden’s ailing campaign, but the performance poorly masks the scale and
imminence of the disaster that is about to befall the party in power.
Many have aptly compared the Democratic Party’s conundrum to the one
Republicans faced throughout 2016. There are uncanny similarities — from the
collective-action problem among party elites to the disparate and, to varying
degrees, fanciful plots designed to extirpate the party’s unpopular
presidential nominee from the political scene. But one thing that distinguishes
the Democrats’ quandary from the one the GOP faced amid Trump’s ascension is
the fact that Joe Biden’s party is not tasked with begrudgingly executing the
will of their voters. Rather, they are defying their own voters by
deferring to Biden’s recalcitrance.
Never throughout the 2016 primary race, a messy convention, and even in the wake of the infamous Access Hollywood tape
did Republican voters express a mass appetite for a presidential nominee other
than Donald Trump. That is not the Democratic Party’s problem. Depending on the
poll, you can find plurality or even majority support among self-described Democrats for replacing Biden with another nominee. The opinion that Joe
Biden is too old to occupy the Oval Office is a majority proposition
across all American ideological subgroups.
There is no grassroots groundswell of support for Biden
that Democratic elites cannot overcome. The Democratic Party is not
surrendering itself to a dismal fate because self-destruction is the course on
which its voters are determined (an argument Biden himself made in his desperate bid to hold
onto power for whatever time he has left). In that sense, the party’s leading
lights are making an even more craven calculation than the
GOP.
Yes, collective action is always difficult. It’s harder
for individual members to risk the career course they’ve spent decades crafting
and observing in favor of a theoretical collective good that they themselves
may not be around to enjoy. But at least Republicans could claim that their
individual political prospects would have been threatened because their voters
would punish them for it. Outside Biden-friendly precincts, Democrats are not
subject to the same inducements. Their concerns are purely parochial.
The insular status games on the center-left will persist
in a second Trump administration, and currency in that world will be the degree
to which your zeal for a revivified resistance is evinced by the sweat on your
brow. One day, they reckon, recriminations for the Democrats who allegedly
“helped Trump” by acknowledging their side’s deficiencies will be meted out.
Better — indeed, safer — to resign themselves to defeat now than find themselves on the
wrong end of elite Democratic opinion later.
That’s a reasonable forecast. The wagon-circling has already begun. The effort to bully Democratic dissenters into submission will succeed if
only because there is no will to resist it. But Democratic voters should be
livid with their pusillanimous representatives in Congress today. Rather than
jockey for the best possible position in this challenging environment so that
the party can continue to represent the interests of its constituents,
Democratic lawmakers would prefer to be steamrolled because stepping out of the
way is uncomfortable and taxing.
It’s hard to imagine that the Democratic Party and its
allies in the press would make it this easy for Donald Trump to be restored to
office with a popular mandate and a GOP-controlled legislature, but they seem
to be talking themselves into it. Even if their own voters are discomfited by
such an outcome, the alternatives are just too darn hard.
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