By Nick Catoggio
Wednesday, July 17, 2024
Recently a friend asked me why I write as often as I do.
Partly it’s force of habit. I wrote many more words each
day at my old gig than I do at this one, if you can believe it.
Partly it’s boredom. One must fill the hours somehow
and Forensic Files reruns grow tedious by the eighth or ninth
viewing.
Partly it’s impostor syndrome. I work with Jonah Goldberg
and Kevin Williamson; if my newsletters are doomed to be half as insightful as
theirs, I can only provide equivalent value by writing twice as often.
But mostly it’s therapeutic.
I am a nuclear reactor of bitter disillusionment about
the American character, and that energy has to go somewhere. It’s a fortunate
man who can earn a living by blowing off steam.
The reactor was humming on Tuesday night as I watched
Nikki Haley endorse Donald Trump at the Republican National Convention. Her
smile seemed more pained and plastic than usual to me, but that was probably
wishful thinking. If she was unhappy to be there, she would have followed Mike
Pence’s dignified lead and simply … not been there.
Although Pence didn’t have much choice, realistically.
Facing a crowd of boisterous Trump fanatics would have put him at risk of being
murdered, and not for the first time.
“America has an amazing ability to self-correct,” Haley told the
convention audience in her address. Does it? The guy she was there to celebrate
tried to stage a coup the last time he was on the ballot and our allegedly
amazing country is preparing to gamble on him again, this time with more
of an electoral mandate than he had in 2016.
It’s actually Nikki Haley who has an amazing ability to
self-correct. By one count, this was her sixth flip-flop
with respect to Trump; there may be six more by 2028 if I’m right about the
agonies he’ll visit on America in a second term. “Many of the same politicians
who now publicly embrace Trump privately dread him,” she warned her supporters
in February. “They know what a disaster he’s been and will continue to be for
our party. They’re just too afraid to say it out loud. Well, I’m not afraid to
say the hard truths out loud. I feel no need to kiss the ring.” Last night,
terrified of saying the hard truths out loud, she kissed the ring.
In the end she resorted to the same stupid, nihilistic
reasoning to which partisan conservatives always resort when selling out
classical liberalism to authoritarians: The most sinister Republican is still
preferable to any Democrat. The Reaganites who supported her in the primary are
“not going to be persuaded by Nikki Haley to vote for someone, they’re going to
be ashamed they voted for her in the first place,” Chris
Christie said after her speech, hopefully correctly. Ultimately it’s not
the Trump enthusiasts of the Republican Party who supply most of the fuel that
keeps the reactor running, it’s frauds like her.
In a best-case scenario for Haley, this will all pay off
by making her a top contender to replace Lindsey Graham in the Senate when he
finally keels over in 2050. And her reward if she wins will be having to do the
bidding of President Barron Trump.
But in fairness, it wasn’t Haley who inspired the most
contempt for the American character this week. It wasn’t any Republican, Trump
included.
We need to talk about Grandpa Joe.
***
I remember predicting around a year ago that a
comfortable Trump victory was the one scenario we could safely rule out in
November.
Don’t ask me to find the specific newsletter. When you
write every day, it’s all burps in the wind.
The logic seemed sound. Trump might win narrowly despite
his unpopularity, as he did in 2016. Or Biden might win narrowly because of
Trump’s unpopularity, as he did in 2020. Or Biden might win comfortably as
Americans awakened from their torpor and punished Republicans for nominating a
civic menace who’s since been convicted of dozens of felonies.
Whatever happened, there would be no Trump landslide.
On Tuesday, CNN projected
that Trump is on track to win 330 electoral votes. Or more.
The most disillusioning thing about that isn’t that the
great and good American people are ready to hand this creature and his cult
total control of the federal government. The most disillusioning thing is that
the opposing candidate appears not to care and the opposing party appears more
or less okay with him not caring.
Trump isn’t just poised to easily win an election
liberals regularly describe as “existential.” The Democratic Party is prepared
to effectively forfeit.
A freakish number of destabilizing events have happened
in American politics within the last three weeks that are either without
precedent or without recent precedent. A presidential nominee was nearly
murdered; a sitting president couldn’t form coherent sentences during a debate;
a political party semi-officially
abandoned the ideology that’s governed it for more than 40 years; a shoeshine
boy was nominated to be vice president.
Stranger and more disturbing than all of that, though, is
the fact that Joe Biden seems to regard winning his party’s nomination as his
highest political priority. It’s increasingly
clear from polling data that he’ll lose to Trump this fall, maybe
decisively enough to bring about a down-ballot disaster. It’s also increasingly
clear from reporting that he’d prefer that outcome to one in which he’s
replaced as nominee.
And it remains doubtful that his party can muster the
will to stop him, which would make this the first political mass surrender in
American history.
Last week I made a list of ways in which the president has begun to
behave like his opponent, but one thing I overlooked is how similar Biden’s
conduct lately is to Trump’s after the 2020 election. In both cases an
egomaniac was unable to cope with his own political mortality and in both cases
that egomaniac responded by retreating into denial and surrounding himself with
cronies willing to tell him only what he wished to hear.
“Biden Circle Shrinks as Democrats Fear Election
Wipeout,” the New
York Times revealed on Tuesday. Since the debate, the president
apparently hasn’t consulted closely about the election with his chief of staff
or even his own campaign manager(!) but rather with
longtime flunkies like Mike Donilon and family members like Jill and Hunter
Biden. As you’d expect, people who have spent decades riding the Biden gravy
train have different
political incentives than Democrats who are frantic to beat Trump and
don’t care who ends up doing the honors.
The incentive of the gravy train conductors is to prolong
Joe Biden’s political career as
much as possible, at whatever cost.
In the past few days, Biden has
started to privately convey a new message to Democrats: The conversation about
my future is over, and I’m getting irritated that you’re not realizing that.
Biden has called several prominent allies individually to tell them to spread
the word.
“We think we’ve got a good plan to
fight through this,” a senior Biden aide said. …
That strategy, as described by
multiple Biden aides and allies, is to run out the clock.
They’re not kidding about running out the clock. The
president and his allies are so eager to make his nomination official before he
suffers another catastrophic cognitive breakdown in public that Democrats plan
to nominate him in a “virtual” roll call vote before the convention—even though
the ballot-access timetable they’ve been using as a pretext to justify doing so
is no longer operative.
Apart from Trump’s behavior leading up to January 6, it’s
the most selfish thing I’ve seen in politics. Insofar as there was an inkling
of truth in the image of old-school patriot Grandpa Joe, it’s been incinerated
by his own vanity. Biden and his team want to saddle the party with his
official candidacy as soon as possible not because they believe he’s up to the
job of campaigning effectively this fall but because they believe he
isn’t.
And he isn’t, as some of his latest public appearances
have affirmed.
***
As the feeble, halting effort to oust him from the ticket
drags on, the president’s attempts to impress reluctant Democrats have grown
pathetic.
He mustered a modicum
of energy last week for a rally in Detroit, which led observers who should
know better to whistle past the electoral graveyard and coo about his defiance
and “resilience.”
It was his best event in ages, yet even here there was trouble afoot. For
starters, the mood was Trumpy in more ways
than one. And because Biden has no agenda for a second term and no way to
get Democrats excited to vote for him again, he was reduced to rattling off a
preposterous series of far-fetched legislative proposals to try to pique their
enthusiasm.
Codifying Roe v. Wade, raising the minimum
wage, banning assault weapons: None of that is happening next year or the year
after, let alone in
the first 100 days of his second term. Republicans will almost certainly
control the Senate in 2025 and will block all of it. And if they don’t control
the chamber, the filibuster will block it for them.
Desperate pandering is all Biden has now. On Tuesday he
endorsed national
rent control. Then news broke that he’s planning to demand that Congress pass
term limits for Supreme Court justices, which would almost certainly be
unconstitutional and would end up even deader in a Republican Senate than an
assault weapons ban would. The GOP isn’t about to squander its current
advantage on the court by acceding to a plan for its phaseout.
The most one can say for the idea is that it takes balls
for the oldest president in American history to sponsor a plan that would
prevent judges from working into their dotage.
In any case, Democrats don’t need a Christmas list of
policy goodies to justify voting for Biden again. What they need is reassurance
that he’s fit for a second term, and the president has sought to provide them
with it by engaging more with the press lately.
He’s failed. Because he’s no longer capable of
succeeding.
Apart from his Detroit rally, which was serviceable, the
most one can say about Biden’s recent appearances is that they’ve been
marginally better than his pitiable debate performance—usually. But not always.
At times in the past week, he’s seemed unable to articulate
words. He’s lost
his train of thought. On Tuesday he wildly misstated his own rent-control
policy by telling an audience that his administration would cap rent increase at $55. What
he meant to say was
5 percent.
During a conference call with congressional Democrats on
Saturday afternoon, one of his aides handed him a note that said, “Stay
positive, you are sounding defensive.” Biden … read the note aloud. Sources
claimed later to NBC
News that he did so to provide some “levity.”
The note was accurate, though. According to Puck,
he was defensive and even angry at points as House members warned him of an
electoral disaster brewing. When one complained that his achievements on
foreign policy weren’t “breaking through” with the public, he blamed the
caucus. “You oughta talk about it!” he snapped. “On national security, nobody has
been a better president than I’ve been. Name me one. Name me one! So I
don’t want to hear that crap!”
Mind you, he said this in defense of his right to lose in
November to a successor who’s preparing to abandon
Taiwan to China.
That was one of Biden’s more lucid moments, too. “The
call was even worse than the debate,” one person who participated told Puck.
“He was rambling; he’d start an answer then lose his train of thought, then
would just say ‘whatever.’ He really couldn’t complete an answer. I lost a ton
of respect for him.” Another participant claimed 50 Democrats on the call would
have come out against him in the hours afterward—if not for major
breaking news out of Pennsylvania that suddenly interrupted political plans
of every stripe.
We’re now four days removed from the attempt on Trump’s
life. The intended victim is well enough to attend the Republican convention.
Yet those 50 Democrats haven’t come forward. Nancy Pelosi is reportedly taking
calls from anxious House colleagues who fear their seats are in jeopardy
but it’s not clear what, if anything, she’ll do or could do. Rep. Adam Schiff
did speak up on Wednesday and ask Biden to stand
aside as nominee, but he has the luxury of running for one of the safest
seats in the Senate.
Meanwhile, the polling has turned grimmer.
After the debate, as he resorted to Trumpy tactics to try
to extinguish the rebellion against him, Biden alleged that it was Democratic
“elites” who wanted him out as nominee, not the rank and file. It was nonsense at
the time and it’s bigger nonsense now: A new poll from the Associated Press
released Wednesday finds nearly two-thirds of Democrats want a different
candidate. Another recent poll conducted by NBC News found
62 percent of the party wishing it would nominate someone else.
The president, his advisers, his allies in Congress, and
his friends in
the media have for weeks engaged in a gaslighting
campaign so ambitious in its shamelessness that even Donald Trump must be
impressed by it. But it simply isn’t working. Whether because Democratic voters
are made of sterner stuff than their perpetually gaslit Republican counterparts
or because the evidence of infirmity is too blatant to be ignored, there will
be no Biden revival.
The party seems ready to nominate him anyway. The nuclear
reactor is about to melt down.
***
Here’s one more item to add to the list of destabilizing
political developments that are without precedent: a revolt by party delegates
against a sitting president.
I doubt it’ll happen. But we’re nearing a point of such
political despair that a palace coup might plausibly be the least bad outcome
when Democrats get together next month.
It would be a terrible outcome, splitting the party
between pro- and anti-Biden camps and igniting ferocious recriminations between
the two. Time heals all wounds, but Democrats don’t have time. There’s an
election in less than four months. Dragging Joe Biden kicking and screaming off
the ticket is pointless if the hard feelings that linger afterward will ensure
that his replacement is unelectable.
Which, of course, is exactly what our selfish president
and his selfish advisers are counting on to ensure that he’s nominated after
all.
But a capable nominee leading a bitterly divided party
seems like a marginally better bet to me now than an incapable nominee leading
a demoralized one. Democratic delegates voting their conscience—which Biden has
permitted
them to do—by denying him the nomination would amount to them daring the
party’s Trump-hating base to punish America and themselves by not turning out
for the new nominee in November.
It’d be an insane gamble. But at least there’s an upside
to it, which there no longer is with Joe Biden.
There’s also the possibility, though, that this cake is
already baked and whoever ends up leading the Democratic ticket will end up
losing to Trump. Kamala Harris, Gretchen Whitmer, Josh Shapiro: It might simply
be too late to matter now.
That’s not to say that Biden shouldn’t be replaced, as
losing narrowly to Trump rather than losing badly could be the difference
between a Republican House majority and a Democratic one. But an election
between Trump and a last-second liberal to be named later is likely to become a
referendum on the latter, not the former. And Americans, to their great
disgrace, seem comfortable enough with the devil they know that I have trouble
believing they’d gamble at this hour on one they don’t.
The right is ecstatic about its candidate, the list of
grievances about Democratic governance is
long, and the civic case against Trump that’s been vigorously prosecuted
for the better part of 10 years seems not
to matter to a critical mass of Americans. It’s a nuclear disaster. The
only suspense is how far the fallout will spread.
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