By Abe Greenwald
Thursday, May 16,
2024
In April, a long-haired flower child on the campus of
Princeton University was captured on camera. The picture, posted on social
media, shows him sitting on his guitar case, guitar in hand, ready to play.
Spread on the grass before him, completing this otherwise faithful portrait of
hippiedom, is not a peace sign or a tie-dyed bedsheet but the flag of the
terrorist organization Hezbollah. Look closer, and you’ll spot the keffiyeh
around his neck. But what is incongruous about the picture—the pairing of hippie
garb and jihadist imagery—is nothing of the sort in real life. This
tree-hugging terrorist supporter is the moronic face of a harmonious marriage.
In the first decade of the 21st century, the United
States was attacked by jihadists who drew the country into a yearslong,
multifront war. At the start of the third decade, we were attacked in a far
different fashion, from within. Left-wing radicals embarked on a violent
campaign to upend the cultural and political order of the nation. Both attacks
changed us in significant ways, but neither one broke us. In 2023, seizing on
Hamas’s October 7 massacre of Israelis, the jihadists and the left-wing radicals
explicitly joined forces. They first launched a street campaign against Israel
and in support of jihadist terror. Then they occupied university campuses,
where they began harassing Jewish students, continued calling for death to
Israel and America, and amplified their praise for jihad. All, naturally, in
the name of peace.
We don’t know what this hybrid enemy of the West will do
next. But we know that it won’t stop soon, as it is well funded and
impressively organized. Moreover, its two halves enjoy a valuable symbiotic
relationship. They need each other.
First, a sampling of the movement’s fruits so far.
Khymani James, a leading figure of Columbia University’s
pro-Hamas encampment, and a gay African American in exquisite standing with the
social-justice left, says, “Zionists don’t deserve to live.” At UCLA, Eli
Tsives, a Jewish student wearing a Magen David necklace, is physically blocked
on his way to class by keffiyeh-clad protesters. At Stanford University, a
protester is photographed wearing a Hamas headband and face covering while he
scrolls through his phone. At George Washington University, a statue of
Washington himself is draped in a keffiyeh and a Palestinian flag. Elsewhere on
the campus, students hold a “people’s tribunal” and sentence the school’s
president and others to death amid cheers of “Guillotine, guillotine!” On
campus after campus, left-wing activists call for “intifada revolution” or
proclaim, “We are Hamas” under banners bearing the jihadist rallying cry for
Jewish extermination, “From the river to the sea,” or the Islamist paean to
holy suicide bombers, “Glory to all our martyrs.”
The union of radical leftism and jihadism on display
across American campuses is a marriage born of necessity—and of love. The
necessity is reciprocal. Three-plus years after the George Floyd revolution,
the left had found itself adrift. With the liberal rank and file no longer
interested in police-defunding, the public turning against DEI schemes,
whistleblowers revealing the horrors of “gender-affirming care” for trans kids,
and the term woke a source of liberal embarrassment, what was there to
constitute the vital work of social justice? A revolutionary cannot live on
microaggressions alone. The left needed a new animating theme, and jihadist
fury would prove more than bracing enough.
For their part, the jihadists needed the American left
for tactical purposes: to propagandize for their cause and fit anti-Semitic
terrorists—alongside gays, the transgendered, and African Americans—into the
intersectional left’s pantheon of victims. As one coordinator of a
Vancouver-based “pro-Palestinian” organization counseled Columbia University
students in March: “There is nothing wrong with being a member of Hamas, being
a leader of Hamas, being a fighter in Hamas. These are the people that are on
the front lines defending Palestine.” If average Americans are shocked at how
ardently the woke took to Islamist thinking, it’s because they don’t know the
left as well as jihadists do.
The love between the two camps, however, is not
reciprocal. Leftists love the jihadists. They love them for their ferocity and
exoticism as much as for their bottomless self-pity. Those are the constituent
elements of social justice. It’s why we see protesters trying to shape-shift
into war-ravaged Palestinians, asking for humanitarian aid, claiming chemical
attacks on students, grasping to bask in the reflective glow of the nobly
oppressed. But no properly chauvinistic jihadist could feel anything but disgust
for the unchecked females, sexual libertines, heathens, and even Jews he’s been
forced to instrumentalize in the cause of Islamist domination.
Yet while the love is not reciprocal, it is in other
aspects mutual, or shared. The leftists and jihadists both love violence and
victimhood. They both love destroying the good things of the West. And they
both love anti-Semitism. Up until recently, most of the anti-Semitic left was
inclined to costume its Jew-hatred in anti-Zionism. Their alliance with plainly
exterminationist jihadists has changed that. This shift can be heard in the
common protest chant “We don’t want no two states. We want all of it.”
In pursuit of these shared passions, the protesters have
been known to find guidance in a pamphlet titled “De-arrest Primer,” which
encourages them to assault police officers and create their own “micro-intifada
which can spread and inspire others until we may finally shake off this noxious
ruling order all together.”
Maybe you’re not convinced. Perhaps you’re inclined to
agree with former U.S. ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul, who tweeted in May,
“Hamas has nothing in common at all with liberal or progressive values.” If you
think he has a point, look more closely at those protesting in
sympathy with Hamas. You’ll find every color in the identity rainbow. Black
Lives Matter, LGBTQ groups, intersectional feminist organizations, and others
salute October 7 as righteous resistance and condemn the Israeli response as
genocide. If you still find it strange that people nominally committed to the
defense of minorities, women, and the transgendered are supporting a racist,
male-supremacist, anti-gay terrorist regime, you’ve missed the purpose of
social justice: to “finally shake off this noxious ruling order all together.”
This necessarily means destroying the Jewish state, laying waste to the U.S. as
we know it, and deifying the enemies of both.
***
The first thing to understand about any left-wing protest
movement is that its nominal cause is irrelevant. Black Lives Matter isn’t
about saving black lives. Trans activism isn’t about protecting trans children.
And intersectionality isn’t about the suffering of the diverse disaffected.
Never were, never will be. Underneath their particular brands, social-justice
movements are assorted fronts in a radical war against the good. And so it is
for the “pro-Palestinian” encampments.
Would a group trying to save black lives have seized on a
statistically tiny number of police killings as justification to rid black
neighborhoods of police? That’s what Black Lives Matter did. And by the time
the cops were hobbled, and violent crime spiked precisely where police were
most needed, the movement’s leaders were using corporate donations to buy safe
suburban palaces. BLM was an attack on law enforcement, because law enforcement
maintains the good working order of the United States. Undermine that and
you’re left with chaos, which is the objective.
And celebratory chaos is precisely the goal of the
radical trans movement. Consider Rose Montoya, the trans activist who went
topless on the South Lawn of the White House during a Pride Month celebration.
How does that viral stunt protect trans kids or evoke empathy for an outcast
demographic? Every aspect of the movement is designed to undo our common
appreciation for a safe and sane way of life. Denying solid biological reality,
throwing kids into emotional disarray, scaring the hell out of parents, endorsing
ruinous medical procedures for minors, and trolling everyone who’s not
convinced—that’s the game. And just as BLM leaders got rich, trans stars are
furnished with endorsements and media deals once they’ve done their part to
tear down the edifice of stability.
Intersectional ideology has infiltrated our lives mostly
through the Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion training programs at work and
school. To conquer, you must first divide. That’s the DEI trainer’s
remit—splitting formerly cohesive groups into racial, ethnic, and gender camps,
highlighting their differences and coaxing out ugly resentments. Not
surprisingly, DEI work increases bigotry. As one DEI theorist recently admitted
to the Wall Street Journal, “People often leave diversity training
feeling angry and with greater animosity toward other groups.”
Because that’s what it’s supposed to do, especially regarding Jews. Soon after
October 7, Tabia Lee, the disenchanted former head of DEI at California’s De
Anza College, told the New York Post that she was called a “dirty
Zionist” for bringing Jewish speakers to campus. And school administrators
refused her request to issue a condemnation of anti-Semitism. Lee says, “I was
told in no uncertain terms that Jews are ‘white oppressors’ and our job as
faculty and staff members was to ‘decenter whiteness.’” Of the left’s
post–October 7 bigotry, she writes, “This outpouring of antisemitic hatred is
the direct result of DEI’s insistence that Jews are oppressors.”
Yes, there are well-meaning individuals who support civil
rights, gay rights, and gender equality. And if these well-meaning people are
still supporting social-justice campaigns because they believe their stated
aims, then they’ll support anyone.
But the performative lunatics who turned identity
fanaticism into a national pastime are enemies of Israel, the Jews, the United
States, and human decency itself. That makes them natural allies of terrorists,
whatever their do-good cover stories.
As with previous left-wing campaigns, the
“pro-Palestinian” movement offers nothing in support of its supposed purpose.
It sides with Gaza’s governing terrorists, who start wars with the express goal
of producing a surplus of dead Gazans. American Hamas supporters chant
“Cease-Fire now” as Hamas refuses every cease-fire offer that Israel and the
U.S. put on the table. Why? Because a cease-fire means no more dead Gazans, and
dead Gazans are Hamas’s chief natural resource and most valuable export. It’s
what brings in the billions of aid money that’s used to build tunnels where
Hamas hides—while civilians absorb the blows overhead. If Israel were to stop
short of eradicating Hamas, as the protesters want, many more Gazans would die
in the future wars that Hamas has vowed to instigate.
No, the encampments aren’t pro-Palestinian. They’re the
latest expression of the social-justice left’s impulse to destroy the virtuous
and raise up the wicked.
***
But that’s not all they are. What the jihadists of Hamas
and other groups want from the protesters is not to save Palestinian lives but
to further rally world opinion against Israel and pressure institutions to
boycott, divest from, and sanction it. From their perspective, the encampments
are both a psychological operation, or psyop, and a means of economic warfare
against the State of Israel. In both respects, the protesters have been dutiful
in trying to advance jihadists’ aims. But they are merely the end products of
long-running, highly developed propaganda and finance networks developed to
press them into service. And even a cursory look at the parties behind these
networks gives you a sense of their interest in peace.
Consider the organization American Muslims for Palestine
(AMP), founded in 2005. As Commentary
contributing editor Jonathan Schanzer testified before the House Foreign
Affairs Committee in April, AMP is “arguably the most important sponsor and
organizer for Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), which is the most
visible arm of the BDS campaign on campuses in the United States.” AMP supplies
SJP with “speakers, training, printed materials, a so-called Apartheid Wall,
and grants” to activists. Moreover, “AMP even has a campus coordinator on staff
whose job is to work directly with SJP and other pro-BDS campus groups across
the country.”
Whom does AMP employ? From Schanzer’s testimony: “At
least seven individuals who work for or on behalf of AMP have worked for or on
behalf of organizations previously shut down or held civilly liable in the
United States for providing financial support to Hamas.” One of these
individuals, Salah Sarsour, did eight months behind bars in Israel for “Hamas
activity.” Little surprise that attendees of AMP’s 2014 annual conference were
invited to “come and navigate the fine line between legal activism and material
support for terrorism.” AMP has also received donations from businesses and
foundations with one or two degrees of separation from terrorist funders.
Schanzer also testified about a pro-BDS group called
alternately “The U.S. Coalition to Boycott Israel” or “Chicago Coalition for
Justice in Palestine.” He said, “The organization’s president is Ghassan
Barakat, a consular notary for the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) who
has been identified by the Palestinian Expatriates Affairs Department website
as a member of the Palestine National Council (PNC).” Group coordinator Senan
Shaqdeh was once, according to the PLO itself, a “‘fighter in the ranks of the
mountain brigade’ for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine,” a PLO
faction designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization by the United States.
According to Shaqdeh, he is also a co-founder of Students for Justice in
Palestine.
The above describes only one stream of support for the
protests. Another financial stream comes from well-known, big-money Democratic
donors. Over the past five years, according to Politico, the Tides Foundation
has given half a million dollars to the anti-Zionist group Jewish Voice for
Peace (JVP). Along with IfNotNow, also a Tides Foundation recipient, JVP is one
of the central organizing forces behind pro-Hamas protests at Columbia and
beyond. Additionally, Tides contributes to the Adalah Justice Project, another
Columbia protest participant, and Palestine Legal, a legal defense fund that
claims to help “students mobilizing against genocide.” The Tides Foundation is
heavily supported by George Soros, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the
Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and Susan and Nick Pritzker.
Mega-donors often give to an array of such groups and
watch the activism trickle down. The Pritzkers, for example, additionally
support Solidaire and the Libra Foundation, which then disperse funds to more
specialized organizations such as Black Organizing for Leadership and Dignity,
both of which have been involved in the protests. Soros also funds Students for
Justice in Palestine, which has organized protests at Harvard, Yale, and
elsewhere. The New York Post reports that the U.S. Campaign for
Palestinian Rights (USCPR) “received at least $300,000 from Soros’s Open
Society Foundations since 2017 and also took in $355,000 from the Rockefeller
Brothers Fund since 2019.” For an eight-hour organizing shift, USCPR pays its
community-based “fellows” as much as $7,800 and its campus-based fellows
between $2,880 and $3,660. The fellows are trained, according to USCPR
literature, to “rise up, to revolution.”
One such fellow, Malak Afaneh, co-president of the
Berkeley Law Students for Justice in Palestine, rose up and crashed a dinner
party thrown by the dean of Berkeley Law School, Erwin Chemerinsky. In
Chemerinsky’s backyard, Afaneh took to a smuggled-in microphone to preach
against Israel. When Chemerinsky’s wife tried to get her to leave, Afaneh
accused the hostess of assault.
There’s another, more insidious, channel of support that
bears mentioning: the vast sums of money that foreign governments give to
American colleges. The country most relevant here is Hamas’s patron, Qatar. A
2022 study by the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy
(ISGAP) found that Qatar gave, in the form of “gifts” or “restricted
agreements,” $4.7 billion to multiple American colleges and universities
between 2001 and 2021. Since 2015, Qatar has given an astounding $1.5 billion
just to Cornell, where history professor Russell Rickford was caught on camera
telling students that the October 7 attack on Israel was “exhilarating” and
“energizing,” and where Jewish students were warned to avoid the kosher dining
hall because of anonymous threats to blow up the building.
There is a statistically robust link between the money
and the Jew-hatred. ISGAP’s study found that, between 2015 and 2020, schools
that accepted money from Qatar (and other Middle Eastern donors) averaged 300
percent more anti-Semitic incidents than those that did not. And Qatar-funded
campuses were also more resistant to traditional democratic norms such as free
speech. Qatar’s investment allows it to influence universities by organizing
conferences and joint-research projects where Qatari administrators and
researchers can indirectly relay Doha’s agenda to their Western counterparts.
***
And they could hardly enjoy a more receptive audience. It
is on the rotting foundations of Western academia itself that the woke jihad
built its home. Dominant academic trends such as intersectionality, critical
race theory, anti-racism, and anti-colonialism have turned millions of young
minds into a moral fun-house mirror in which racists are reflected back as
angels, colorblindness as racism, one sex as the other, democracy as tyranny,
tyranny as paradise, freedom as bondage, refugees as colonialists, Jews as
white oppressors, and terrorists as saints.
At this late date, it’s no longer profitable to tease out
the subtleties of one neo-Marxist theory or another. In their totality, they
amount to a categorical inversion of the good and the bad. And without that, no
Islamist psyop, donor network, or activist alliance could have delivered the
campus Hamasniks and Judenrein quads we see today. By the time
those forces got involved, the student acolytes of the identarian left had been
hollowed out of anything that might have made them resistant to indoctrination.
On a slew of campuses, they now evangelize for terrorism, standing side-by-side
with the professors who prepped them for this moment.
Appropriately, it will be the universities that suffer
most when the woke jihad winds down. The donor divestment and the drop in
student applications that hit schools when the protests began are certain to
increase as the full flowering of the encampments’ depravity becomes ever
clearer.
Academic thought has been so thoroughly siloed from
common experience for so long that it became unaccountable to itself and
undetectable to most of the country. Not only was dethroned Harvard president
Claudine Gay unaware that the unacceptability of genocidal incitement is not
context-dependent; most Americans were unaware that she or any other academic
didn’t know that. The past seven months have exposed for all the full catalogue
of grotesquery that is American higher education.
Which is why a backlash against the pro-Hamas encampments
has come more swiftly than the one that followed the defund-the-police
campaign. In the 21st century, there is a predictable arc to a radical
movement’s progress. First, a significant segment of the public embraces it.
Next, the liberal establishment responds by incorporating its ideas in policy.
Then, the policy produces tragic results. And, eventually, the public turns on
the movement. Such was the case with police-defunding. But polls indicate that
the public is already opposed to the pro-Hamas encampments, just by virtue of
their existence. Meanwhile, the fraternity brothers who hoisted an American
flag at the center of a pro-Hamas rally at the University of North Carolina at
Chapel Hill have received more than half a million dollars from appreciative
patriots.
And, really, how could it be otherwise? In joining
forces, the woke and the Islamists may have compounded their resources, but
they’ve also compounded the disgust that the public already harbored for each
group individually. The spectacle of their blended pathologies will be, and
already is, their discrediting and their undoing. Not ours.
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