National Review Online
Tuesday, May 14, 2024
Two of the unprecedented things Donald Trump did in
2016 were to release a list of potential Supreme Court picks and to win the
presidency. The first of those was essential to the second. If he wants to win
and govern successfully, he should do it again.
In 2016, the list served a particular purpose: Because
Trump had never served in government and had little record of engagement with
political ideas or activism, it helped fill in the blanks for voters. The list
offered a concrete sense of what sort of jurists Trump would elevate on the
federal bench. It was a decided improvement over his first instinct, which had
been to tout his liberal sister as a potential justice. The names were
distinguished and notably faithful to the text and original meaning of the
Constitution. That, along with the selection of Mike Pence as his running mate,
reassured many skeptical conservatives that a vote for Trump would ensure a
worthy successor to the Supreme Court seat vacated by Antonin Scalia.
While the list was a break with norms from a more
reticent age, it was a healthy one for democratic transparency in light of the
outsized role the Court plays today, both in presidential elections and in
deciding what the elected branches will be permitted to do. It is ultimately
the voters who are responsible for preserving our Constitution, and they
deserve to know what sort of hands they will be leaving it in. Offering a
representative list of jurists is surely superior to what Joe Biden did in
2020, which was to promise to limit his choices in selecting the next justice to
black women — offering voters only the race and gender of his next
justice but nothing from which to evaluate considerations such as judicial
philosophy, temperament, or qualifications.
Trump’s list paid off. Exit polls showed that voters who
rated the Court as a top priority provided the margin of Trump’s surprise
victory. In office, Trump kept his end of the bargain. Trump’s judicial
nominations (including his three nominations to the Supreme Court) were
characterized by a combination of rigor, consistency, and competence that was
too often missing from the more chaotic quarters of his administration. With
the outside input of constitutionalist legal activists and smooth cooperation with
Mitch McConnell and Senate Judiciary chairmen Lindsey Graham and Chuck
Grassley, Trump did much to remake the judiciary for the better. This was
coalition politics the way it is supposed to work.
The judiciary has been a rare area of agreement that
unites all the disparate factions of Republicans, both in political and policy
terms. The judicial confirmation wars and blowback over Democratic talk of
Court-packing was helpful to Republicans in key Senate races in 2018 and 2020.
The new Supreme Court majority and the many Trump appointees to the lower
federal courts have delivered numerous rulings cheered by traditional legal
conservatives and MAGA activists alike. One consequence was the Holy Grail of
the conservative legal movement: the 2022 overturning of Roe v. Wade.
Yet, throughout the 2024 primaries, Trump and his
campaign were oddly quiet about the judiciary. Trump seemed content to rest on
his laurels and his record, talking about delivering the end of Roe but
giving little assurance that he would pick up where he left off if returned to
office. Listening to quotes from Trump allies and anonymous leaks to the press,
there are once again reasons to be worried that Trump might go in a different
direction. There was talk that Trump was dissatisfied that his judicial
nominees were insufficiently loyal to his personal causes (such as his
stolen-election theories and his efforts to avoid prosecution) and
insufficiently aggressive in delivering culturally conservative outcomes. There
has been open jockeying for position by MAGA and “New Right” activists and
scholars seeking to displace the more traditional originalists who were
involved in the first Trump term’s selection process.
It is clear that there has been a changing of the guard
among the personnel in Trump’s orbit, and that Trump won’t be listening to the
same people for advice. By 2025, McConnell will no longer be leading the Senate
Republican caucus. But how concerned should legal conservatives be about
whether a second Trump term would walk away from perhaps the greatest success
story of the first term? There is much speculation and little evidence. Neither
Trump himself nor his campaign has done much to clear the air. They have
expected voters to take things on faith. That is needless and self-defeating.
In mid-March, Trump told Alex Swoyer and Charles Hurt of the Washington
Times, “I’m going to be putting together a list of judges — great judges —
a list of about 20. I think it’s important to reveal who your Supreme Court
justices will be. There are people who say the list helped me win the election
last time. Frankly, I think Biden should be doing the same thing.” That was an
encouraging sign, but as of now, there has been no further movement in public
on a list.
It would be good and healthy if Trump follows through on
the promise of a new list. If the list once again includes respected legal
conservatives, that could be helpful to Trump’s campaign with precisely the
sorts of voters who came away from the aftermath of the 2020 election with deep
reservations about Trump’s compatibility with our constitutional order. If it
does not, people will know where Trump stands now.
Politically, it may be tempting for the Trump campaign to
look at the former president’s lead in national and swing-state polls and get
complacent. That would be a mistake. Elections in November aren’t decided by
polls in May. Trump’s leads are hardly insurmountable, and there are warning
signs aplenty (including the continuing primary vote for Nikki Haley) that Joe
Biden will have advantages over Trump in turning out potential supporters and
persuading crucial suburbanites. That’s not just a concern that affects Trump;
it has knock-on effects down the ticket for Republicans running for the Senate
and other offices. They, too, should encourage Trump to stay the course on
judges, and to do so publicly.
No comments:
Post a Comment