By Nick Catoggio
Friday, May 03, 2024
Which moment from the past week best captures the
absurdity of pro-Hamas campus protests?
This one flagged by
Jonah Goldberg is a strong contender:
Marxist dummies dying of thirst a few hours into their
“revolution” in the middle of one of America’s wealthiest cities plays like a
conservative satire of communist economics. But that’s not the moment I’ll most
remember from all this.
This scene from the University of Alabama is another
keeper, a rare example of “horseshoe theory” captured in the wild. Turn down
the sound if you’re at work or around children, as it’s salty:
The right-wingers there seem to have believed that
insulting the president would antagonize the left-wing radicals whom they came
to counter-protest, never mind that those are the people most likely to refer
to Biden as “Genocide
Joe.” Now that the two groups have realized they’re allies, who knows what
wonderful things they might
accomplish together?
I wouldn’t choose that moment as the most memorable of
the week either, though. The one that sticks in my mind wasn’t captured on
video but in print, by a reporter for The
Atlantic who went to Columbia University to check out the scene.
Many protesters argue that, from
the river to the sea, the settler-colonialist state must simply disappear. To
inquire, as I did at Columbia, what would happen to Israelis living under a
theocratic fascist movement such as Hamas is to ask the wrong question. A young
female protester, who asked not to be identified for fear of retribution,
responded: “Maybe Israelis need to check their privilege.”
If you’re answering a question about the eliminationist
ambitions of your cause by mumbling glibly about “privilege,” you either
haven’t spent a second thinking seriously about it or you have thought
about it and decided that those ambitions are morally acceptable.
Menace
or cringe. There are no other options.
We should spend some time on the concept of “privilege,”
though, and not just because it’s eternally hot stuff among the politically
conscious campus set. It turns out to be a useful lens through which to examine
the protests themselves.
***
Ask a progressive to define “privilege” and they’ll say …
a lot, I’m sure, much of it unintelligible. Leftist political theory as a genre
is famously turgid, obtuse, and overly dependent on jargon, the better to
signal its alleged sophistication. The woman in the first clip above provides a
minor example: After reading her summary
of her dissertation, I can’t make heads or tails of what she’s writing
about.
But we can define the concept simply ourselves.
“Privilege” refers to how supposedly neutral institutions end up favoring the
interests of politically powerful groups. If a city announces a new “stop and
frisk” policy to reduce crime, for example, and the police disproportionately
target African Americans in applying it, that’s white privilege at work. If a
man gets paid more than a woman does for doing the same work, that’s male
privilege.
Whether under the law or under capitalism, formal
equality is a ruse designed to obscure the fact that true power depends on
race, sex, education, and wealth. That’s the leftist view of privilege in a
sentence. “The law, in its majestic equality, forbids rich and poor alike to
sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal their bread,” Nobel
Prize-winning author Anatole France wrote. Policies against vagrancy, begging,
and theft apply to everyone in theory but in practice serve the interests of the
privileged gentry exclusively.
No wonder, then, that Israel slots easily into the
“privileged” role among progressives in its conflict with the Palestinians.
It’s whiter, wealthier, better educated, and follows the same Western political
norms that the privileged here in the U.S. have used to exploit the
dispossessed. And of course Israelis have claimed what the left believes is
rightly Palestinian land as their own: “Privilege” doesn’t get any more unjust
or obnoxious than evicting someone from their home and convincing much of the rest
of the world to endorse it.
Inevitably, progressives are destined to loathe Israel
and to do what they can to reduce the power disparity it enjoys with the
Palestinians. (“Maybe Israelis need to check their privilege.”) What makes the
campus protests noteworthy is that this righteous fury about privilege is being
carried out by people who are themselves some of the most privileged on Earth.
Who, after all, is more privileged than an Ivy League
student attending school in the financial capital of the world’s richest
country? To be born an American is to be born into privilege, assured of
freedoms and a standard of living that most of the world envies. But even
within that privileged sphere, a degree from Columbia means your ability to
earn considerable wealth and the considerable additional privilege that comes
with it depends only on your willingness to do so. The chumps camping out on
the quad in Manhattan in pup tents are part of the global elite by any
definition of the term.
And, importantly, they know it.
A few days ago a post about the protests by attorney Elica
Le Bon swept across The Platform Formerly Known as Twitter. Her
analysis was irresistible: Isn’t the nonsense going on at Columbia a simple
case of protesters acting out their fantasies of glamorous oppression by
“role-playing” as Palestinians, she asked, with the university administration
thrust into the role of Israel?
They’re “liberating” buildings and “taking back” land on
campus. They’re requesting “humanitarian aid,” as in the first clip up top.
Many are wearing keffiyehs. Some are wearing Hamas
headbands! And according to Le Bon, all of it is downstream from their
immense privilege: “You don’t see this in lower-tier schools from kids of lower
socio-economic standing because they aren’t plagued with the guilt of privilege
that they’re seeking to launder through Middle East role-plays of feigned
suffering. This is as first-world dystopia as it gets.”
They’re privileged, they know it, they’re uncomfortable
with it, and they’re seeking absolution by taking on the trappings of the
dispossessed and rebelling against the nearest authority. It’s not a campus
intifada or even a protest, really. It’s group therapy.
That’s a satisfying analysis. For one thing, it jibes with the humiliating coddling of students that we keep seeing:
They’re not adults rising up on behalf of Palestine,
they’re children playing the jihadist equivalent of “cops and robbers” with
their campus president. So why shouldn’t they be coddled? Children often are.
Le Bon’s explanation also accounts for why the protest
effort seems so unserious. It’s cockamamie to vent one’s grievances with Israel
at the leaders of American universities, who have no influence over the war in
Gaza and more often than not are as stridently leftist in their politics as the
protesters are. And it’s pointless to agitate for days on end without making
any meaningful demands. The closest the students have come is to call on their
schools to divest from Israel, but as others have
noted, they don’t seem especially serious about that. If they were, they would
use their financial leverage by withdrawing en masse and starving the
administration of tuition revenue until it capitulates.
The fact that they’re not doing that suggests that they
care about the privilege that comes with a degree from Columbia just a bit more
than they care about divestment from Israel. That leaves the protests feeling
less like an earnest attempt to influence international affairs and more like
an unsanctioned extracurricular activity—it’s all inherently juvenile and
unserious.
As much as I like Le Bon’s read on all of this, though,
it’s missing something. There’s another layer of privilege among the protesters
that she overlooks.
***
Many observers of
the protests, Jonah
included, have noted that universities besieged by Hamas-LARPing dopes are
merely reaping what they’ve sowed. “Administrators have spent much of the
recent past recruiting social-justice-minded students and faculty to their
campuses under the implicit, and often explicit, promise that activism is not
just welcome but encouraged,” Tyler Austin Harper wrote recently at The
Atlantic. “Now the leaders of those universities are shocked to find
that their charges and employees believed them.”
Academia could select for kids who show
intellectual humility and curiosity, to borrow a point from my colleague Sarah Isgur.
Instead they’ve selected for kids who feel not merely entitled to demand that
their elders “check their privilege” but morally justified in acting
aggressively to make sure they do.
All told, one might say that progressives, the great
enemies of colonialism, have … colonized higher education over the past
half-century.
And you know how settler-colonialists are. They can
be very defensive when you demand that they vacate territory
they regard as rightly theirs.
The behavior of campus progressives this month has
radiated the sense that American universities are “theirs” in a way that isn’t
true of other students. It’s been pointed out repeatedly but can’t be
emphasized enough that the sort of disruption in which they’ve engaged wouldn’t
be tolerated from those whose political beliefs offended the administration’s
leftist orthodoxy. In a piece published on Thursday by The Free
Press, Abigail Shrier writes:
The lengths administrators have
gone to placate, encourage, and embolden the pro-Hamas protesters in the past
weeks provide a signal reminder that there are at least two sets of rules
governing elite universities today: one for the favored, protected class; the
other for everyone else. And in case anyone has any doubt which category Jewish
students fall into, the unwillingness of universities to enforce their own
codes of conduct against pro-Hamas protesters in the months since October 7
should disabuse them.
…
Punishment is meted out swiftly and
mercilessly, and with no consideration for free speech principles, any time
Confederate flag flyers are posted, any time students hold culturally
insensitive themed frat
parties, any time colleges uncover student use of the N-word while in high
school (or even a
word in Mandarin that sounds like the N-word), or even when
students or faculty make the familiar conservative argument that affirmative
action sets black students up to fail. Rinse and repeat and repeat.
Anyone who doubts that university “tolerance” policies
are being applied arbitrarily is invited to parade through a campus with an
image mocking Mohammed and see how long it takes the administration to act,
Shrier continues. But you don’t need a hypothetical as provocative as that:
Recall the icy panic that gripped the brain trust at Yale when a student
merely used
the words “trap house” in an invitation to an event in 2021.
What’s the word again for when the rules of supposedly
neutral institutions favor the interests of politically powerful groups?
The special privilege that progressives enjoy at American universities doesn’t factor into Le Bon’s read on the protests but it explains some of their more grotesque excesses. It emboldens them to use tactics that wouldn’t be tolerated by disfavored groups, like occupying buildings. But it also encourages them to try to limit access to parts of the campus as if they own the joint. Which, in a manner of speaking, they do.
Setting up de facto checkpoints to control access to your
territory feels very settler-colonialist.
One of the first things you learn in property law as a
law student is that property rights include the right to exclude. No student on
an American campus should properly be able to claim that right against any
other; the fact that some campus protesters have done so betrays their sense
that the university is their property. They dominate the culture; they expect
special dispensation from the authorities; they’re possessive of the land and
of the privilege it grants them, so they police it for trespassers. The rest of
the U.S. might sympathize with Israel but school is their turf.
Go figure that they’ve resorted to the otherwise inscrutable tactic of pitching
tents in order to symbolically broadcast their claim to it.
As you might hear at a campus football game: Whose
house? Our house.
So Le Bon’s theory of teenagers cosplaying as Hamas to
expiate their privilege as Americans is true but incomplete. The other part of
the explanation for what’s happening is progressives reveling in and
ultimately abusing their privilege on campus to misbehave on behalf of causes
with which the fellow travelers who run the school sympathize.
The former is juvenile and embarrassing, the latter is
domineering and corrupt. Menace and cringe, again.
***
All of this feels familiar, no?
It’s strange to think of campus progressives
simultaneously play-acting as the dispossessed by rebelling against the
powers-that-be and behaving as the powers-that-be themselves by aggressively
policing their sphere of influence for dissent. You can’t represent the popular
resistance and the ruthless establishment at the same time.
Except that you can, sort of. There’s another political
movement that I write about from time to time that routinely tries to pull that
trick.
It too postures as a popular insurrection against a
corrupt establishment and it too has become
a corrupt, ruthless establishment enforcing ideological orthodoxy
within its own political niche. Like the kids who took over that building at
Columbia, it’s even been known to find itself in a
standoff with police from time to time.
In fairness, many members of that movement are much less
privileged than the average Ivy League student. But plenty are just
as privileged, if not more so. And their leader is one of the more
privileged people who’s ever lived.
The two sides do have some stark differences on the
subject of mask-wearing, though, it must be said.
All anti-establishment political projects that achieve
partial success are destined to be privileged and dispossessed, I
suppose. Whether it’s progressivism on campus or Trumpism on the right, a felt
sense of dispossession is the moral energy that attracts recruits, and ruthless
enforcement of orthodoxy in its own ranks is the mechanism that protects its privilege
within its own niche.
I strongly prefer not to be governed by either, but there wasn’t much I could do about that when I was a college student and it seems there isn’t much I can do about it as an adult. America loves angry, aggrieved, self-righteous children. We get the government we deserve.
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