National Review Online
Monday, April 22, 2024
It wasn’t pretty, but Speaker Mike Johnson finally
got a $95 billion aid package for Ukraine, Israel, and
Taiwan through the House. It now heads to the Senate for assured passage.
Johnson deserves credit for changing his mind on Ukraine
funding once he acquired real responsibility as speaker and also for trying
every alternative to keep his conference together before moving to pass the aid
with Democratic votes as a last resort.
Had the Ukraine measure stayed bottled up in the House,
Johnson would have borne an outsized measure of blame if an artillery-starved
Ukrainian military collapsed.
Now, Johnson’s reward for doing the right thing will
likely be a challenge to his speakership led by the MAGA agitator and noted
conspiracy theorist Marjorie Taylor Greene.
The best argument against Ukraine aid is that it is
costly and depleting U.S. stocks of weapons. But it would be just as costly to
bolster front-line states — as we almost certainly would feel compelled to do —
if Russia were to sweep to victory in Ukraine. The legislation makes the aid,
in theory, a loan, and it attempts to offset the costs with seized Russian
assets.
As for U.S. weapons stocks, about $23 billion of the
roughly $60 billion in the Ukraine portion of the bill is devoted to
replenishing them, although much more needs to be done to revitalize the U.S.
military–industrial base.
The overall package includes more than $26 billion in aid
for Israel, with crucial funding to replenish its missile defenses, and more
than $8 billion for Taiwan and Indo-Pacific security. In a nice additional win,
the TikTok divestiture bill was added to the package. It now will be passed
along with the rest of the overall bill by a Senate that had seemed reluctant to take it up.
One of the criticisms of Johnson from the right is that
he didn’t get any border-enforcement provisions after initially insisting that
they had to be paired with Ukraine funding. But once it became clear that
Republicans, not unreasonably, were unwilling to take President Biden’s
best offer on the border, the idea of this kind of bargain was off the table.
Instead, Johnson split up the various parts of the bill for separate
consideration and relied on Democratic support to pass them and the underlying
procedural rule. That Johnson had to get this done with Democrats is another
charge against him. It’s not his fault, though, that a segment of his party has
already lost patience with assisting an ally resisting Russian aggression, or
that Republicans are routinely tanking procedural rules on the House floor that
used to be reliable party-line votes.
There are legitimate criticisms of Johnson’s speakership,
but he’s presiding over a very slender majority with a handful of members who
care about theatrical fights and supposed purity more than results. Just eight
Republicans took out Kevin McCarthy last year, together with the entirety of
the Democratic caucus. Johnson was meant to be an ideological improvement. To
the contrary, since he’s had to deal with the same underlying conditions as
McCarthy, he’s governed basically the same way. Greene is hoping to
defenestrate him by the same means for the same alleged offenses, but Democrats
are signaling they will be willing to lend Johnson enough support to preserve
his speaker’s gavel.
It’d be better if a Republican speaker didn’t have to
depend on Democratic votes to survive. That this may be the only way to avoid
another chaotic, pointless speaker fight is ultimately commentary on the
quality of a fraction of the GOP backbench, not of the leadership.
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