By Noah Rothman
Friday,
September 02, 2022
President Joe
Biden’s primetime speech was
ostensibly dedicated to itemizing domestic threats to the “soul of the nation,”
all of which apparently emanate from the pro-Trump right. It was billed as an
urgent call to action on a matter of grave national concern, but what the
president turned in was a stump speech. In the process, he cheapened the
moment, commodified the public’s apprehension over a rising tide of
illiberalism on America’s political fringes, and strengthened the very menace
he set out to condemn. Worst of all, these were not unintended consequences.
That was Joe Biden’s goal.
Hours before Biden’s address, White House
Press Sec. Karine Jean-Pierre gave reporters
a preview of what they could expect. The
president’s address would invoke themes he discussed in August 2017, in the
immediate wake of racially charged violence in Charlottesville, Virginia. It
would also harken back to his first inaugural address, where he was flanked by a
Capitol Building still scarred from the January 6 riot. “You think about what
we’re seeing today,” Jean-Pierre said. “You think about the battle that
continues.”
Those two traumatic events had
self-evident national significance, and Biden’s decision to weigh in on them
met a delicate moment in American history with the aim of cooling the passions
that fueled violence. But what occasioned Biden’s speech last night? It was not
preceded by any episode of mass violence, no outpouring of primitive racial
antagonism. The January 6 rioters are being systematically prosecuted by the
legitimate executors of American justice, in whose crosshairs even the former
president has found himself. What crisis is the American right precipitating? A
keen observer might conclude that the acute “threat” to which the White House
is responding is the Democratic Party’s political peril. If Democratic voters
are not as anxious as the White House, the president’s party will lose
political power to the GOP in America’s fair and impartial elections. How
perverse.
Indeed, the goal of Biden’s demagoguery
could only be to reinforce and accelerate the GOP’s amassing around Trump’s
orbit, not to loosen the former president’s hold on his party. Biden opened
with a perfunctory caveat, saying that the number of treasonous Republicans was
likely to be small. But he then proceeded to draw the largest possible
circumference around what constitutes the MAGA movement to capture as many
conservatives as possible.
“MAGA forces are determined to take this
country backwards,” Biden insisted. They’re after your “right to choose,” your
“right to contraception,” your “right to marry who you love.” The president is
here referring, in part, to Justice Clarence Thomas’s concurrence in Dobbs,
in which he alone maintained that the Court’s decision imperils other
precedents based on substantive due process. Disagree with that rationale all
you like, but Biden equated this jurisprudential philosophy with street
violence and the demolition of America’s institutions. There is no equivalence
between those insurrectionary activities and the banal—indeed, proper—conduct
of America’s courts. To make that connection in voters’ minds is reckless and
irresponsible.
If it wasn’t yet obvious that the
objective of this speech was to brand Republican voters “pro-insurrectionist,”
the president’s whiplash-inducing swerve into a State of the Union address
should be clarifying. What does Biden’s Covid-relief package, infrastructure
spending, and gun-control legislation have to do with combating illiberal
sentiments on the right? Biden is hoping that the case for Democratic
governance enthuses otherwise listless Democratic voters. This served no other
purpose than to incept in voters’ minds the idea that even opposing Democratic
policy preferences renders you a little suspect. “American democracy only
works,” Biden insisted, “if we respect our legitimate political differences.”
By his own logic, therefore, the president is himself a reactionary.
Even the press’s formerly inexhaustible
patience with this administration has been tested by this event. The Biden team
baited reporters with the promise of a White House event only to deliver a
campaign-trail speech festooned with the trappings of taxpayer-funded state
power. To their credit, some prominent
reporters refused to look past Biden’s
decision to violate presidential norms as he was attacking his predecessor for
the same. It may not last, but this address gave the press license to be a
little less pliant.
Finally, with this ham-fisted attempt at
psychological manipulation to raise Donald Trump from the political dead, the
president has foreclosed on the idea that the Democratic campaign
operatives spending
millions to boost MAGA candidates in Republican primaries have gone rogue. This is a party-wide
effort to elevate the very faction that supposedly represents an existential
threat to the republic. The exquisite cynicism of this charade is breathtaking.
Had Biden set out to deliver a lofty
sermon on the fragility of the American experiment and the Founders’ suspicions
of ambitious men, it might have been a valuable exercise. The menace Joe Biden
ostensibly sought to warn Americans about is real. But the president did not embark on a selfless effort to preserve
American propriety and norms against anti-democratic forces. He did his best to
strengthen the very movement he insists is a mortal threat to American
democracy. He tethered himself and his administration to the Democratic Party’s
material support for the MAGA movement. He undermined his mission, and he
cheapened the office he holds.
If you’re inclined to accept Joe Biden’s
premise—that “MAGA Republicans” represent “a threat to this country”—you should
be furious at the way Biden commodified your solemn cause. Whoever conceived of
this misadventure should be stripped of their capacity to debase the office of
the presidency further. That does, however, assume that this wasn’t Biden’s
idea in the first place. Given how incandescently boneheaded this spectacle
was, we can’t rule that out.
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