National Review Online
Thursday, September 15, 2022
Over the last ten days, Ukrainians have
achieved astonishing gains over the Russian army. For six months, the Kharkiv
region, in Ukraine’s east, has suffered through battle and Russian occupation.
Now, Ukrainians are driving retreating Russian units as far as the pre-war
border.
The operational situation is fluid and dynamic — and
final victory is far from assured — but the outlines of what has
transpired have begun to come into focus. After February’s bungled initial
invasion, which saw Russian troops on the outskirts of Kharkiv, a city of more
than a million, the Russian high command retrenched in the face of its
embarrassing failures and horrifying combat losses. The often-unsupported
“thunder runs” and lightning attacks of the early weeks of the war were
replaced with an unimaginative, but largely solid and effective, new strategy:
Russia would return to its traditional way of war, relying on concentrated
artillery fires and mass to, first, clear the Ukrainian army from the “land
bridge” to Crimea along the Sea of Azov in Ukraine’s south and, then, push the
Ukrainians out of the contested Luhansk and Donetsk provinces.
As spring turned into summer, the Russians had, through
sheer brutality and force, largely accomplished these tasks. Yes, the Russians
had lost irreplaceable men and matériel, and, yes, the Ukrainian army had not
been defeated or destroyed despite suffering staggering losses, but Russia held
the terrain — as much as one-fifth of Ukraine — and as energy prices soared in
Europe and a cold winter loomed, it seemed like Vladimir Putin might yet win
this war. Ukraine, despite the help it was receiving from the West, showed no
signs of being able to reclaim its lost provinces — at least not before the
energy crisis forced the Europeans to nudge Kyiv to the negotiating table. In
the meantime, the Kremlin was planning to hold sham referenda in the occupied
regions in order to claim a patina of legitimacy and legality for its brutal
occupation.
But Kyiv understood that the balance of power was
shifting. Because the Kremlin has so far resisted ordering a general
mobilization, the Russian army was being continually whittled down, while
Ukrainian forces, supported by a nation in arms, were growing, gaining
training, experience, and confidence, and, critically, were being re-equipped
through Western aid. In recent weeks, the Ukrainian military had begun
conducting audacious attacks on Russian air bases in Crimea, while its
U.S.-supplied HIMARS precision-strike rocket-artillery systems were beginning
to take a toll on Russian readiness and morale by the steady targeting of fuel,
ammunition, and supply dumps, bridges and railroad yards, and
command-and-control infrastructure.
What the Ukrainians did next was clever and a classic
example of maneuver warfare. While telegraphing that its long-planned
counteroffensive would come in the south near the port city of Kherson, the
Ukrainian army quietly began to build up combat power in the north, near
Kharkiv. In response, the Kremlin began redeploying units — including some of
the best-equipped and best-trained Russian forces — to the Kherson front to
defend against the coming Ukrainian attack. The result has been catastrophic
for Putin’s army.
After fixing the Russians into their planned defense of
Kherson, the Ukrainians attacked in the north.
It was like pushing on an open door.
Poorly led and undisciplined Russians, confronted by the
highly motivated sons of Ukraine, fell back, then broke. In recent days, their
retreat has become a rout, and the roads toward the eastern border lie littered
with abandoned tanks, BMPs, and equipment of all kinds. This past week, the
Ukrainian army has regained hundreds of square miles of its native soil — as
much territory as it had lost in the last three months of war — and dozens of
towns and villages have been liberated.
What comes next will be critical. The long history of
warfare has shown that an army is at its most vulnerable in retreat. The
Russians find themselves at a moment of crisis. A prudent general in command of
a beaten army would do everything in his power to stabilize and shorten his
lines. He would order a retreat behind a defensible barrier, such as the Dnipro
River near Kherson — redeploying his army even if it meant the abandonment of
terrain it had already fought for and bled over. And he would prepare to
counterattack the Ukrainians as their advancing forward units reached a
culminating point at the limits of human and logistical endurance.
Will the Russians be so prudent? Rumors are swirling of
dissatisfaction in the Kremlin. Vladimir Putin’s credibility rests on his aura
of competence and the propaganda of Russian victory. Gambling to save face, he
may not follow the most prudent course of action. But battlefield defeat could
reveal Putin’s regime to be very brittle indeed.
Whatever the Russians do, the path forward for America is
clear. We must redouble our efforts to support a Ukrainian army with a
demonstrable will to fight and that has once again proved itself capable of
taking the war to the enemy. We must warn Moscow — in public and private — that
tactical nuclear weapons would foreclose Moscow’s options and the West’s
ability to negotiate, and would amount to an enormously dangerous gambit whose
result cannot be foreseen. And the Biden administration must make clear to
wobbly Europeans that they cannot allow a weakened Kremlin — armed only with
energy hostage-taking and nuclear saber-rattling — to bully them into
surrendering.
Russia is capable of losing this war. And the Ukrainian
people have proved that they, with our help, can win it.
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