Tuesday, September 6, 2022

A Second Chilean Miracle as Left-Wing Wish List Gets Shredded at the Polls

By John Fund

Tuesday, September 06, 2022

 

Chile, the narrow sliver of a nation that hugs South America’s Pacific coast, has experienced a miracle over the last 40 years as it peacefully emerged from a dictatorship and implemented free-market policies that made it the richest country on the continent. Poverty has fallen from 45 percent to 6 percent of the population. Even if economic inequality and high living costs have triggered discontent lately, per capita income since 1990 has tripled to $24,000 a year.

 

That miracle was created by Chilean students of Milton Friedman. They created the most free economy in the developing world, built on a foundation of property rights, free trade, a low flat tax, privatization of the social-security system, and the deregulation of key industries.

 

But over four decades the Left has steadily infiltrated the nation’s cultural institutions — schools, universities, churches, and media — and the result of this indoctrination paid off last year when voters approved a complete rewrite of the 1980 constitution. Their project got a huge boost last December, when 56 percent of voters elected 35-year-old former student-protester Gabriel Boric as the new president of Chile. The Communist Party is a part of his governing coalition.

 

Boric pledged to back the work product of delegates to the constitutional convention who drafted a document with 388 articles that would have systematically dismantled Chile’s free-market economy. Taxes would have soared, the country’s successful private-pension system would have been gutted, and radical action to address climate change would have become a constitutional state duty.

 

A referendum was held Sunday, with a majority being required to make the new constitution the law of the land.

 

But Boric and his pals ran into roadblocks. The fact that “Nature” would be given rights in the document, that police and a national health system would have to operate with an undefined “gender perspective,” and that the government would be tasked with implementing a host of other far-reaching provisions demonstrated just how wrongheaded it was. Farmers might have lost the property rights to water on their land. Compensation for expropriated land would not be set at a market price but at the price the government of the day deemed a “just” one.

 

As the debate went on, it became clear the document “guaranteed” over 100 fundamental rights ranging from “nutritionally complete” food to “neurodiversity” to separate judicial systems for indigenous peoples. Economists estimated its mandates would have increased government spending by between 9 percent and 14 percent of GDP per year.

 

Two former left-wing presidents even spoke out against the new charter’s overreach. “The general sense became that the proposal was ditzy or dangerous, or perhaps both,” Dario Paya, a former Chilean ambassador to the Organization of American States, told me.

 

The more that the 17 million Chileans examined the document, the less they liked it. The proposed constitution was crushed in Sunday’s voting, winning only 38 percent approval and losing in all 16 regions.

 

President Boric says he will try to work with other parties to come up with a new document. But 56 percent of voters disapprove of his record, which features soaring inflation, rising crime, and stumbles by his “woke” advisers. The Chilean stock market jumped 5 percent on Monday after the vote, and analysts predict the recent massive capital flight from the country will now start to return.

 

Any repeated attempt by Boric and his left-wing allies to foist a new left-wing document on voters is likely to fail and only erode his poll numbers more. There is growing support for just making amendments to the current constitution instead.

 

The election results, meanwhile, blow up many of the assumptions that Chilean leftists had about their own voters. They thought that creating separate systems of justice and the chance for autonomous rule for indigenous people would be popular. But 74 percent of voters in La Araucania, the home of the indigenous Mapuche people, rejected the constitution written by elites to supposedly “liberate” them. There were few takers among those they were ostensibly helping.

 

Similarly, the Marxist elements of the Boric government were convinced that the “class struggle” they champion would see millions of lower-income Chileans support the new constitution. Nothing could have been further from the truth.

 

study by two academics at the University of Santiago found that in the neighborhoods dominated by the lowest fifth of income earners, only 25 percent of voters approved the constitution. In the neighborhoods dominated by the top fifth of income earners, the constitution won 39.5 percent, higher than the national average. All over the world, from Britain to America to Germany, high-income people are increasingly voting on lifestyle and value issues such as environmentalism and abortion rather than, say, levels of taxation.

 

These remarkable numbers contradict the vision of those who wanted to install “a class division in the country,” concludes Miguel Angel Fernandez, a coauthor of the University of Santiago study. “The economic situation was less important than other factors (such as religion) or indeed the lower-income sectors did not see in the rejected constitutional draft a real opportunity to improve their well-being conditions in peace and tranquility.” Marxists and identity-politics activists would call poor people who vote against them the victim of “false consciousness” imposed on them by elites, but in reality many poor people simply don’t buy what they are selling.

 

The University of Santiago scholars say that, for those considering another attempt at constitutional reform, their findings “lead us to think of a path of common minimums rather than the imposition of ideas from different groups on the majority of the population.”

 

In other words, a document that probably looks a whole lot more like the classical-liberal model of the current constitution than the fantastical one overwhelmingly rejected by the Chilean people.

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