By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, September 14, 2022
It’s late summer of 1998. Boy bands and Furbies are all
the rage. Americans are being bombarded with unsolicited information about Brad
and Jennifer’s nascent romance. And the nation is consumed by an entirely
dishonest debate over the virtues of lying.
“Is it ever right to lie?” Philosophy professor Robert Solomon pondered in a syndicated op-ed. “Are
all lies wrong? Or does deception serve such important functions as protecting
us from harm, especially emotional harm?” In an infamous New York Times op-ed,
author and JFK adviser Arthur Schlesinger Jr. answered in the affirmative to
the latter question, especially as it relates to sexual peccadillos. “You lie
to protect yourself, your spouse, your lover, your children,” he wrote. “Gentlemen always lie about their sex lives. Only
a cad will tell the truth about his sexual affairs.” The question before the
nation, the vanguard of Bill Clinton’s media praetorians insisted, wasn’t
whether Bill Clinton lied in a deposition but whether he did so to serve some
nobler end.
It’s no coincidence it was the 42nd president’s former
communications director, George Stephanopoulos, who distilled the scandal
around the White House down to its most Clintonian essence. “If he’s lied, he
should tell all now, apologize, and hope for the best,” Stephanopoulos wrote. “If he’s shaded the truth, it’s time
to amend the record.” Thus, the debate around Clinton’s conduct was pulled from
the Olympian heights of Kantian ethics back down to the grubby earth, where it
belonged. The matter before America, in Stephanopoulos’s formulation, wasn’t
whether Bill Clinton lied under oath. It’s whether he lied adroitly.
Much like your old AOL account and Nokia phone, this
debate is adorably quaint today. What we used to consider proficient lying is a
rare sight. When judging the performance of political professionals tasked with
defending the indefensible, we used to gauge their acumen by how closely they
adhered to the truth. Lying with aplomb involved lawyerly evasions, selective
omissions, and careful emphasis—what we used to call “spin.” Bald-faced
mendacities that any layman could disprove were considered, if not
disqualifying, embarrassingly gauche. Today, “spin” is increasingly a thing of
the past. Egregious untruths are an accepted feature of political discourse, so
long as the lies are told boldly and without the slightest indication that the
liar suffers from any pangs of conscience.
Though they did not pioneer the tactic, the Trump
administration’s senior communications professionals refined its practice.
“This was the largest audience to ever witness an inauguration—period—both in
person and around the globe,” former Press Sec. Sean Spicer insisted. This claim is easily debunked
not just by readily available consumer data but the evidence of your own eyes.
But it was the Atlantic’s Megan Garber who articulated why
what Kellyanne Conway deemed “alternative facts” so
offended the political class: It “isn’t merely their volume; it’s also their
ineptitude,” she wrote. “The lies are lazy.”
The political class is no longer so offended by the lazy
lie, it seems. Indeed, the lazy lie has become best practice.
“Prices have been essentially flat in our country these
last two months,” White House Press Sec. Karine Jean-Pierre insisted on Monday in the wake of a
report that found nothing of the sort. August’s consumer price index found food
costs jumping by nearly a full percentage point in a single month. With the
exception of gasoline, energy costs continued to rise. Shelter costs are up, as
is the price of medical care, insurance, and education. Even a literal
interpretation of the report’s topline finding that prices rose by 0.1 percent
in August—a figure that would have been much higher but for the rapid decline
in gas prices—doesn’t support Jean-Pierre’s claim, the caveat “essentially”
notwithstanding.
This isn’t the sort of clever prevarication political
media rewards, particularly since it was deployed to justify a pre-planned
party on the White House lawn intended to celebrate the legislation the Democrats
insist is anti-inflationary. Media’s initial impulse to tout how the report indicated that “inflation slowed for a second straight
month” was soon replaced by casual contempt. “Biden celebrates ‘Inflation
Reduction Act’ as food, rent prices climb,” Reuters reported later that day. After all, if the
White House won’t play by the rules, why should the press?
“The border is secure,” Vice President Kamala Harris dissembled during a weekend appearance
on NBC’s “Meet the Press.” If there’s an immigration problem in this country,
she added, it is only that Congress has failed to establish a pathway to
citizenship for the nation’s illegal immigrant population. When pressed to
restate her unbelievable claim, Harris again insisted “we have a secure
border,” adding the caveat “in that that is a priority for any nation.” So,
notionally at least, the border is secure insofar as nations tend to secure
their borders.
No one needs to peruse Customs and Border Protection’s
statistics on illegal border crossings to identify the vice president’s
deception, though that’s easy enough to do. One need only be privy to the images of migrants crossing over America’s unsecured
borders by the hundreds, in places where overwhelmed border-patrol officers can do little more
than corral them into temporary shelters. Again, the maladroitness of the lie
seemed to occasion as much frustration as the lie itself. “We have this
administration—now including the vice president of the United States—lying to
the American people,” said one incensed former CBP official in an
interview published by CBS News.
The press is not above mercilessly fact-checking even Joe
Biden when his misstatements are egregious enough to warrant the scrutiny.
The New York Times took a scalpel to Biden’s factually
deficient April 2021 address to the nation, in which he contended that he
inherited no vaccination plan from the former president and that Covid had
killed more Americans than all the wars the nation fought over the last
century. During America’s bugout from Afghanistan, just about every major media outlet in the country savaged the
president’s cravenly self-serving efforts to convince the public
not to believe their lying eyes.
But that’s the low-hanging fruit. The press is willing to
legitimize the administration’s tendentiousness when the lies are clever enough
and, therefore, provide the president’s supporters with the chance to
demonstrate their own cleverness. It’s a safe bet, for example, that the conventional
definition of a recession as two consecutive quarters of negative GDP
growth will make a return when it’s convenient. In that instance, the White
House wasn’t lying; it was presenting to the public a highly curated version of
the facts. Indeed so curated that the omissions may well constitute deception.
But no one was telling untruths. They were merely spinning.
If there’s anything positive to say for spin, at least it
makes a pretense of respecting your intelligence. Perhaps spin’s retreat from
the political scene is an indication that the political scene no longer even
pretends to have that level of respect for you anymore.
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