By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, September 28, 2022
Democrats never fully appreciated the service Joe Manchin
provided them over the first 18 months of Joe Biden’s administration.
Even when his party convinced itself that its fluky
Senate majority conferred a mandate to remake the American social contract and
spent trillions in its pursuit despite the effect on inflation, Manchin was
there whispering “thou art mortal” in Democratic ears. Those susurrations
became louder in direct proportion to the threat to American pocketbooks posed
by rising consumer costs. Almost alone, Manchin lent the Democratic Party some
needed credibility on the foremost economic issue of our time. And then,
Manchin just gave up. The senator set his hard-earned reputation alight, and
the conflagration may yet consume his political career.
Manchin’s courage first failed him in July. The
Democratic Senator whose
office had spent more than a year insisting that “we cannot add any more fuel to this
inflation fire” while “millions of Americans struggling to afford groceries”
settled for a fig leaf. Democrats had cobbled together a bill consisting
primarily of federal spending on climate-change initiatives, but they called it
the “Inflation Reduction Act,” and that was enough.
By backing the bill, Manchin sacrificed more than he got
in return. “Given the current state of the economic recovery, it is simply
irresponsible to continue spending at levels more suited to respond to a Great
Depression or Great Recession,” the senator said last year. By this summer, all evidence to the contrary notwithstanding,
Manchin insisted that this particular spending bill “can’t be
inflationary.” After arguing for months that taxing businesses and burdening
consumers with rising costs was grossly unjust, he argued that tax hikes and
costly regulations on the fossil-fuel industry were merited by cosmic notions
of “fairness.”
But Manchin’s display of supplication didn’t go
unrewarded. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer assured the senator that he
would attach a proposal to fast-track fossil-fuel permitting to a must-pass
resolution that would keep the government open into December. Progressives
balked at the concession to a figure who had stymied their ambitions for so
long, but assurances had been made. Schumer handed Manchin a loaded gun. All
the senator had to do was demonstrate the mettle to hold his party hostage with
it. That’s when the senator’s courage failed him again.
Facing mounting resistance to his attempt to offset the
“Inflation Reduction Act’s” new costs with some relief, Manchin backed down. On
Tuesday night, he agreed to move forward with a vote to fund the government
without his permitting proposal. Manchin tried to clean up after himself by insisting that, if he had
stuck to his guns, a government shutdown would follow, and that would “embolden
leaders like [Vladimir] Putin who wish to see America fail.” The naivete
demanded of the audience for a statement like this suggests they’re too young
to vote, much less follow congressional machinations.
It’s been a mortifying experience for the Senator, one
with long-term implications for his party. Manchin’s acknowledgement of the
fact that Schumer cannot deliver his own caucus despite his assurances to the
contrary renders the Senate majority leader a diminished figure. The secretive
way in which the deal was struck infuriated the environmentalist left, while the
reconciliation process that produced the “Inflation Reduction Act” scuttled any
chance that Republicans would rescue Democrats from their activist class. But
the most profound humiliations are Manchin’s alone to bear.
Here was a man who bestrode the Congress like a colossus.
Manchin was “the man who controls the Senate,” a figure who wielded “an unfathomable amount of power over the president’s agenda,”
and who chose “as his legacy to be the one man who single-handedly doomed
humanity.” He was harassed in his residence, savaged by his colleagues in Congress, and demonized in the national press. It was all endurable, he
repeatedly claimed, because he served only the interests of his West Virginians.
In the end, according to his own terms, Manchin betrayed
his constituents’ interests. And they’ve rewarded this betrayal in kind. As of
April, Manchin enjoyed the approval of 57 percent of West Virginians, up from just 40 percent
in the winter of 2021. By the end of August, however, Manchin had become not
just the least popular figure in the country, but the object of
scorn in his home state where just 26 percent of respondents approve of the
senator’s conduct in office.
The senator still reportedly clings to the hope that his permitting plan
might slip through before the end of the year, but his comments betray his
state of resignation. “It’s revenge towards one person: me,” Joe Manchin
complained of Republicans in the Senate, who refused to rescue him from the
consequences of his bad judgment. Inauspiciously referring to himself in the
third person, Manchin insisted he had “never seen” the kind of
“revenge politics” of the sort that would have the “extreme liberal left siding
up with Republican leadership” at the expense of good policy.
That’s not “revenge politics.” It’s just politics.
Moreover, it’s a political bind Manchin would not have faced if he had just
stuck to the principle he spent over a year and untold sums of political
capital establishing. As smooth an operator as West Virginia has known for a
generation, Manchin spent the past three months retreating from defensible
terrain. He deceived his voters, duped those who took his anti-inflation
credentials at face value, and discovered that the environmentalist left’s true
believers don’t do transactional politics.
For all his hardships, Manchin has saddled his party with
an even more tarnished reputation on the issue of inflation. He has exposed how
little control his party’s majority leader has over his caucus. He has secured
for them a fraction of what they sought in the “Build Back Better” bill while
encumbering consumers with higher costs. And in 2025, his seat in the Senate is
likely to be occupied by a Republican.
Where once stood a consummate legislator, there is little
more than a punchline in his place. Though it is hard to summon any sympathy
for the senator’s plight. It’s so rare to see a politician punished for
abandoning principle in the pursuit of parochial political advantage. If that’s
“revenge,” a just universe is its author.
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