By Charles C. W. Cooke
Thursday, August 19, 2021
In a piece titled “The Biden administration will use
a federal civil rights office to deter states from banning masks in
classrooms,” the New York Times reports that:
President Biden, escalating his
fight with Republican governors who are blocking local school districts from
requiring masks to protect against the coronavirus, said Wednesday that his
Education Department would use its broad powers — including taking
possible legal action — to deter states from barring universal
masking in classrooms.
As careful readers will observe, both the headline and
the lead paragraph within this story contain fatally misleading descriptions of
what the “Republican governors” in question have actually done. The states on
the Times’s naughty list are Arizona, Iowa, Oklahoma, South
Carolina, Tennessee, Utah, Florida, and Texas. But not one of
those states has “banned masks in classrooms,” as the Times’s
headline erroneously claims. Rather, they have all elected to leave the
decision to mask children with parents rather than school boards. When, as he
did during his speech yesterday, President Biden claimed
that “some politicians” have taken “power away from local educators by banning
masks in schools,” he was lying. As America’s self-appointed “newspaper of
record,” the Times had a responsibility to note that.
The difference between a state’s “banning masks in
classrooms” and a state’s declining to set a statewide policy is, of course,
enormous. As I suggested last week when examining Florida’s
school-masking policies, it is perfectly reasonable for critics to contend that
control over such policies should have been given to school boards rather than
parents, but it is not at all reasonable for
critics to contend that choosing parents over school boards represents some
high-handed exercise of power that is, in and of itself, akin to a “ban” or a
“mandate”:
One cannot credibly argue that
Florida has “restricted” choice. It hasn’t. It has allocated choice.
Florida had three options. The first was to set the substantive policy for every
school and every student (no masks or mandatory masks). The second was to allow
each school to make that determination. The third was to let parents decide. By
going with the third option, Florida handed the decision to the smallest
possible unit: the individual.
Which is why, throughout their piece, the Times’s
authors tie themselves into knots trying to make the lack of mandates in either
direction sound like a dastardly and authoritarian encumbrance. Governors, they
write, are “issuing executive orders banning mask mandates”; moving to “block
universal masking”; “prohibiting mask mandates”; and “barring universal masking
in classrooms.”
Or, put another way: Those governors have declined to
issue mandates.
The obvious irony here is that the president is
the one attempting to impose a one-size-fits-all rule from on high, not the
governors who have annoyed him. As the Times notes, Secretary
of Education Miguel Cardona and the Biden administration are now seeking to use
a preposterous reading of civil-rights law in order to force every school
district in the country to institute universal mask mandates:
“I’ve heard those parents saying,
‘Miguel, because of these policies, my child cannot access their school, I
would be putting them in harm’s way,’” Dr. Cardona said. “And to me, that goes
against a free, appropriate public education. That goes against the fundamental
beliefs of educators across the country to protect their students and provide a
well-rounded education.”
Neither Joe Biden nor Secretary Cardona has said
explicitly that the administration’s goal is to achieve ubiquitous masking in
schools. Nor, for that matter, has the Times, which allows only
that “prohibiting mask mandates could deny students’ right to education by
putting them in harm’s way in school.” And yet the argument that the
administration has outlined must lead inexorably to that outcome. If, as
Secretary Cardona claims, the mere existence of unmasked
children in the classroom is depriving others of “access” — and if that lack of
access represents a civil-rights violation, as he proposes — then all 50 states
must surely be obliged to impose mask mandates. It cannot logically be the case
that unmasked children are fine if they are the product of a decision made by a
school board that is acting under the state’s authority, but present a
civil-rights challenge if they are the product of a decision the state has left
to their parents. That, to use the technical term, would be bananas.
Structural questions notwithstanding, it is worth
remembering that the on-the-merits case for mandating masks in schools is in
fact extremely weak. It is certainly not strong enough to have
warranted this absurd national fight. Indeed, this is precisely the
sort of unanswerable, judgment-heavy, tradeoff-laden question that tends to be
best resolved at the state level, at the school board-level, or at the
individual level, rather than by the Civil Rights Division of the federal
Department of Education. In Britain and across the European Union, no child
under the age of twelve is obliged to wear a mask, on the eminently sensible
grounds that masks are ineffective and may adversely affect children’s
development. If certain Americans disagree with those conclusions and wish to
take a belt-and-suspenders approach to their own children instead, that is
fine. It’s a free country. But, really, there’s no need to make a federal case
out of it.
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