By Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, August 24, 2021
The upcoming gubernatorial-recall election in
California provides an amusing contrast between
Larry Elder, a black conservative from inner-city Los Angeles who made it from
Crenshaw High School to Brown to a position at one of the nation’s most
prestigious law firms before embarking on his radio and television career, and
Gavin Newsom, the son of a rich white guy in San Francisco who made his money
sucking on the Getty Oil teat who grew up to be a rich white guy in San
Francisco who made his money sucking on the Getty Oil teat.
As I put it in the New York Post, it’s
the Sage from South Central vs. the Schmuck from the French Laundry.
Larry Elder is a conservative talk-radio host in 2021,
with all the bumptious, Trumpish baggage that goes with that. And yet the polls
have him within plausible reach of the governorship. Elder is a formidable
communicator and a man of genuine intelligence, but the fact that an AM-radio
chatterbox has managed, in the breaks between the doggie-vitamin commercials,
to get within striking distance of supplanting the sitting Democratic governor is
less a recognition of his considerable gifts than it is an indictment of Gavin
Newsom’s sundry grotesqueries — and the sorry state of California as a whole.
Because there is much more to what ails California
than the depths of mediocrity plumbed by the feckless, po-faced hypocrite who
currently sits at the top of state government or the temperament of the
irascible broadcaster who aims to be the third man (by my count) to make his
way from the Hollywood Walk of Fame to the governor’s mansion in Sacramento.
Think of California as Detroit writ large.
In the 1950s, Detroit was an economic powerhouse, full
of dynamism and innovation. In 1960, it had the highest per-capita income of
any city in these United States. Like Silicon Valley, it was home to many of
the world’s most famous companies, but its most important asset was its people.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, more than 100 automobile startups
were founded in the United States, mostly in the industrial centers of New
England and Ohio. But it was Detroit that succeeded, thanks largely to a highly
skilled work force that was able to easily make the transition from
manufacturing marine engines, one of Detroit’s pre-automotive specialties, to
manufacturing automobiles. And Detroit built success on success: The best
workers could be found there, because that’s where the best jobs were, and the
best jobs came there, because that’s where the best workers were.
Those union jobs on automotive assembly lines made
Detroit a mecca for blue-collar and middle-class workers, but, like Silicon
Valley, it grew culturally sophisticated as it grew rich: In the Ford
Auditorium on the waterfront, a string of European conductors led the city’s
popular and well-regarded orchestra, while culinary magazines printed recipes
from the city’s restaurants, its schools educated the likes of Elmore Leonard,
and its factory workers labored in buildings designed by Albert Kahn.
But even with all that going for it, Detroit was
already showing signs of trouble in 1960, when the U.S. Census found its
population in a decline that would soon turn into a stampede for the exits —
once the nation’s fifth-largest city, it would eventually slide down to 27th
place, losing two-thirds of its people. Its famous hotels — the Wolverine, the
Park Avenue — were converted into flophouses and homeless shelters, or knocked
down to build parking lots. Americans still make cars — a great many of them —
but only one of the ten-biggest U.S. automobile factories operating today is in
Michigan. The largest car factory in the United States today belongs to Nissan,
whose U.S. operations are based in Tennessee.
Detroit’s hubris should be a lesson for California,
especially for Silicon Valley. In 1950, the Age of the Automobile was upon us,
and Detroit believed that its factories were an eternal golden goose, a source
of high-paying jobs and oodles of tax revenue that would always be there. Both
the Big Three automotive companies and the local authorities in Detroit were
unprepared for the changes that already were under way in the 1950s, from
increased competition from Japan to broader shifts in the U.S. economy. Detroit
was enormously disadvantaged by the riots that helped to scare most of the
white middle class and much of the black middle class out of the city and into
the suburbs, and then beyond to sunnier climes in the south and southwest.
Detroit thought it could count on Ford, Chrysler, and
General Motors forever. Silicon Valley thinks it can count on Apple, Amazon,
and Facebook forever. The complacent leaders in Michigan were dead wrong. So
are the ones in California.
Not everybody in Detroit was surprised to learn in the
late 1950s that the city was losing population. Not everybody in Silicon Valley
today will be surprised to learn that 90 percent of the high-tech industry’s
workers are earning less in real wages now than their counterparts were 20
years ago. The biggest digital publisher in the United States is in South Carolina, not California, and Tesla’s future is in Texas, as are
Hewlett-Packard’s and Oracle’s. It’s not just Elon Musk and the other bold-face
names, either: It is venture-capital investors and services firms and, above
all, the most in-demand workers, many of whom have discovered that they are far
better-off making $200,000 a year in Austin or Charleston than $300,000 a year
in San Francisco.
Detroit did not really appreciate how serious its
problems were until it was too late to reverse the decline. And instead of
putting forward serious and responsible leaders, Detroit leaned hard into
identity politics with such figures as Mayor Coleman Young, the Gavin Newsom of
Michigan, who had his own French Laundry moment, greeting municipal leaders in
gray and hurting Detroit from the beaches of sunny Hawaii with the immortal
salutation: “Aloha, motherfu**ers!”
Larry Elder may not be precisely to
the taste of his fellow Californians. But Sacramento needs a wakeup call a lot
more urgently than it needs another prix-fixe dinner at the
French Laundry.
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