By Noah Rothman
Friday, June 12, 2020
For several weeks, the Democratic Party has been at war
with itself. An intraparty feud has broken out among the Democratic officials
who govern America’s cities and their constituents who resent being
aggressively overpoliced. Racial tensions in dark-blue urban enclaves have
spilled into the streets. The public sector unions beholden to Democratic
politicians in these municipalities are struggling to preserve their advantages
against the forces of reform. The party is divided, almost down the middle,
over the efficacy of radical measures that are anathema to the general public.
All these conditions should theoretically benefit the
incumbent president. So, what does Donald Trump do at this potentially
advantageous moment? Randomly exhume the corpses of Confederate dead and put
them on a pedestal. Of course.
As the nation’s lawmakers turn their attention toward
necessary but complicated reforms to the rules that govern the application of
potentially lethal force by police—a demand spurned on by the overwhelming
public revulsion toward the perception that minorities are too often on the
receiving end of that force—the country is in a conciliatory mood. That mood
compelled Army officials to finally endorse stripping the names of Confederate
generals from the nation’s military facilities. It’s a small gesture of grace
toward America’s citizens and service personnel of color, as well as a
long-overdue reaction against the attitudes that once led public officials to
erect landmarks to traitors against the Union. But the president was having
none of it.
“These Monumental and very Powerful Bases have become
part of a Great American Heritage, and a history of Winning, Victory, and
Freedom,” the president inexplicably tweeted. “My Administration will not even
consider the renaming of these Magnificent and Fabled Military Installations.”
The president’s instincts should leave conservatives not
only perplexed and revulsed but feeling deeply insecure. Contrary to the claims
of cynics who insist that Americans are deeply committed to racial antipathy,
voters do not revel in this behavior. Americans are deeply discomfited by
racial tension, and they resent it when the president exacerbates those
tensions (as two-thirds
of all voters, including nearly three-in-ten Republicans, believe he has in
recent weeks).
Trump-voting Republicans are not immune from this
discomfort. As the Atlantic’s contributing editor Yascha Mounk revealed
after observing a political focus group, the wavering Trump 2016 voters he
witnessed remain “defensive” about the president’s record on the economy and
even his handling of the pandemic. “But they HATE how he handles race,” Mounk
recalled. “This isn’t mild ‘he should watch what he says a bit more’
disagreement. They RECOIL from his divisiveness.” This has been observable
across Trump’s presidency.
What was arguably his lowest moment—the three-day
controversy in which the president couldn’t bring himself to unequivocally
condemn the white nationalists who contributed to violence in
Charlottesville—was his lowest moment, in part, because Republicans revolted.
GOP lawmakers condemned
his remarks, and the president’s job approval rating among Republicans collapsed
to near record lows. Trump has bizarrely determined to reprise this low point
just months before an election in which he is the underdog.
It’s not just that Trump cannot navigate the issue of
race at a time of heightened racial tension. In a period recently typified by
civil disorder, rioting, and looting in America’s cities—a condition the voting
public does not appreciate—the president cannot even effectively communicate
his commitment to law and order.
In yet another self-destructive tweet, Trump indulged in
the conspiratorial notion that the aggression Buffalo police meted out against
a 75-year old protester, who was shoved to the ground and bled from the ear as a
result, might have been warranted. “Buffalo protester shoved by Police could be
an ANTIFA provocateur,” Trump insisted. Press Sec. Kayleigh McEnany also
justified the president’s assertion, claiming that this “individual has some
very questionable tweets.”
Once again, Republicans were either put on the defensive
or were downright critical of the president. All this occurs amid an outpouring
of contrition and outrage
from current and former administration officials over the decision to apply
force to disperse peaceful demonstrators from a square outside the White House
on the evening of June 1.
All of the above surely contributes to a counterintuitive
condition: Even with the Democratic Party embroiled in internecine conflict,
the president’s position continues to deteriorate. His bizarre behavior has
left the conservative movement all but defenseless in the face of an onslaught
of radicalism. It should be no comfort to Republicans that Joe Biden
steadfastly rejects the demands of his party’s fringe elements. That fringe is
on the ascendancy.
The vast majority of Americans of all political stripes
support peaceful protests against police violence. They back major reforms to
prevent future misconduct by law enforcement and see George Floyd’s killing as
part of a larger societal problem. But, according to a recent ABC News-Ipsos
poll, while 72 percent of Democrats opposed the deployment of military forces
to quell the looting and riotous violence Americans witnessed last week, 52
percent of all Americans support such extraordinary measures (including
majorities of key voting blocs like independents and Hispanics). And as another
ABC News-Ipsos survey found, while only 34 percent of American adults back a
movement to “defund the police,” a staggering 55 percent of Democrats are with
the minority. And contrary to the efforts by savvier Democratic politicians to
render that slogan incomprehensibly vague, a Huffington Post/YouGov poll showed
that majorities across the partisan spectrum insist that it means to “significantly
decrease the size of police forces and the scope of their work.”
Trump seems incapable of serving as a pole around which the majority of Americans who reject the Democratic position on these issues can rally. Even as Democrat-led cities sacrifice territory to insurrectionary secessionist mobs, Trump has left Americans who fear the prospect of civil disorder without an effective champion. Those forsaken Americans are apprehensive and frustrated today. Their inchoate emotions will congeal into anger soon enough.
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