By Kevin D. Williamson
Wednesday, June 03, 2020
What if they don’t want anything?
An NBC producer posted a piece of video early Tuesday
morning that documented some of the looting in Manhattan, with the looters
piling their loot into a Rolls-Royce Cullinan SUV, which goes for about a
half-million dollars. (There’s a “base” model at about $350,000, but, the last
time I checked, Rolls-Royce
had never sold one.) There were some other pretty nice cars being driven by
looters, too.
It is possible the Cullinan was stolen, though
Rolls-Royces are hard to steal. (They even have a nifty antitheft device
protecting their hood ornaments, once a popular target for thieves and vandals.)
It took the world about three minutes to chase down Amy Cooper and bully her
employer, Franklin Templeton, into firing her after that infamous Central Park
confrontation. How many Cullinans are registered in the New York area? Fifty,
maybe? It should be pretty easy to discover the owner of the one the looters
were driving. That might be an illuminating investigation.
In Dallas, the looters hit (among many others) a shop
called Traffic, which deals in very high-end designer clothes. (Think Rick
Owens and Yohji Yamamoto, not Armani or Gucci.) Rough justice is expensive: a
thousand bucks for a pair of sunglasses, three grand for a pair of sneakers. We
have a very peculiar kind of proletariat here in these United States. Les
Misérables and a crust of bread it ain’t.
We desperately want this to be about poverty, housing
prices, unemployment, wages — anything that would provide us the opportunity to
buy off the riots. That is not a dishonorable thing to do, necessarily, or an
imprudent one, necessarily. We are a very, very rich society, and the best kind
of problem for us to have is a problem that we can throw money at. If you’re a
tough guy, you want every problem to be a fistfight. If you’re smart, you want
every problem to be a brain-teaser. If you’re a lawyer, you want every problem
to be a legal problem. If you have a great deal of money, you want every
problem to be a financial problem. That only makes sense.
After the Watts riots, California governor Pat Brown
insisted that the fundamental problem was black unemployment. The Ten-Point
Program that Huey Newton and Bobby Seale produced in 1966 for the Black Panther
Party was pretty heavy on economic demands: full employment (No. 2), “an end to
the robbery by the capitalists” (No. 3), housing (No. 4), etc. The non-economic
demands ran from the vague (“the power to determine the destiny of our Black
Community” was the first item) to the specific: exempting black men from
military service (No. 6) and releasing all incarcerated black men (No. 8).
Newton and Seale even appealed to the Constitution, demanding that black
Americans be tried only by juries composed of other black Americans.
The current convulsions in Minneapolis are not that
city’s first. After the 1967 riots, a local civil-rights leader, John S.
Hampton, took the opposite of Pat Brown’s economic line. (I will have a great
deal more on this in the forthcoming issue of National Review on
Friday.) Hampton said: “The primary issue in Minneapolis is not the jobs, or
the police or housing or anything like this. It’s simply the hostility, the
fear, frustration and the feeling of powerlessness which black people feel in
an alien white society. . . . People start feeling like they’re living in an
occupied country.”
That kind of melancholy is not economic in origin and not
limited to poor people. And, indeed, many sons and daughters of privilege are
prominent in the current disturbance: New York City mayor Bill de Blasio’s
daughter was arrested in Manhattan, Minnesota attorney general Keith Ellison’s
son made a ridiculous ISIS-style public declaration of allegiance to Antifa,
actor Cole Sprouse was picked up on the mean streets of Santa Monica and
declared looting “an absolutely legitimate form of protest.”
There were some reforms implemented after the race riots
of the 1960s, and standards of living for African Americans have improved: Real
(inflation-adjusted) income is up by about a third for African Americans since
1965, and life
expectancy has increased both in absolute terms and relative to whites. For
a point of comparison, The Economist reports that in 1980 a black man
born in Harlem was less likely to live 65 years than a man born in Bangladesh,
one of the poorest countries in the world. Many milestones have been passed,
including the election and reelection of a black president. There are, of
course, persistent disparities.
But here is something to keep in mind: The disparity in
life expectancy between black men and white men was declining before the riots
of the 1960s, after which it began to increase. The current relative increase
in black life expectancies dates from the mid-1990s. The riots of the 1960s may
have been a protest against poor conditions in urban life, but they made urban
life much worse.
The current rioting and looting risks doing the same
thing: Cities such as New York are extremely dependent upon a small number of
very wealthy taxpayers — hooray for that progressive tax code. Rich people have
options. If they go seeking safe haven, they take their tax dollars with them,
which degrades municipal services and governance, which gives the middle class
an incentive to move, at least to the suburbs. That’s what happened in American
cities after the riots of the 1960s, and it wasn’t just old-line WASPs moving
out: Detroit’s black middle class largely left the city, as did much of
Washington’s. Minneapolis’s Jewish neighborhoods were left behind by Jewish
residents (the riots there in 1967 had a distinctly anti-Jewish aspect), and
Philadelphia’s white-ethnic immigrant communities got over the city limit as
fast as they could — which turned out to be pretty fast. The people who were
left behind were largely black and mostly poor.
The progressives — Pat Brown and the rest — thought they
had the answers back in the 1960s. And they have had almost exclusive political
control over cities such as Minneapolis for decades. There isn’t a single
Republican on the Minneapolis city council and hasn’t been for decades. It is
remarkable to see Democrats strutting around saying, “See, we were right all along!”
against the background of a catastrophe that happened on their watch. This is
not a petty partisan point — it raises a real question: If progressives know
what’s good for cities such as Minneapolis, why have they done such a poor job
governing them?
If the answer is something poorly defined and amorphous — capitalism, white privilege, inequality, etc. — then the answer may as well be imps or evil spirits or the Bilderberg group. Pat Brown thought the answer was free school lunches. We have those, and breakfast, too, but the discontent endures.
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