By Michael Brendan Dougherty
Friday, April 24, 2020
We’re living through a global pandemic and staring down
the specter of a sudden-onset economic recession. One should expect a certain
amount of overstatement and anxiety from analysts and writers dealing with
cabin fever, myself included. Weeks ago, exasperated by the U.S.’s
still-much-too-meager testing capacity, I wrote that ours had been a “sub-third
world” response to the coronavirus. But I was wrong, as are the other writers
who have subsequently expanded on the same notion.
George Packer, in a widely noted jeremiad in The
Atlantic, complained that the COVID-19 crisis has exposed the United States
as a “failed state” with “a federal government crippled by years of right-wing
ideological assault.”
This is just not true. As our own Jack Butler pointed
out, Packer’s claim that President Trump stripped funding from the CDC is
false. Although Trump favored cuts, the CDC’s funding has
increased — not that it has made good use of the extra money. This is not a
lean and mean virus-fighting machine, getting by on starvation-level resources.
It maintains a Hollywood liaison to consult on films. In recent years, it has
expanded beyond its core mission to promote motorcycle safety and sponsor
programs dedicated to fostering “safe, stable, nurturing relationships” in
schools. If you’re wondering why there was lots of political and social
messaging larding up CDC documents on COVID-19, just realize that when Congress
increases an agency’s funding, the result is likely to be more ideological make-work
jobs rather than a more effective workforce.
“Fine,” you might say. “So the CDC is not evidence of a
failed state. But what about the larger health-care system?” Well, there is
much to complain about in the way the United States provisions and distributes
health-care resources. But the underinvestment and underdevelopment that are
characteristic of failed states are not remotely present here.
The United States spends
more per capita on health care than any other nation on earth, and it’s not
particularly close. Yes, much of it is private spending, but that private
spending also drives research and innovation — there’s a reason why the world
is increasingly depending
on the U.S. for the scientific breakthroughs necessary to combat the
pandemic. And as for public-sector health-care spending, ours is not notably
low — it’s roughly equivalent to those of the developed nations of Western
Europe.
Packer’s piece depends on the belief in a fairy tale
common to prosperous liberals, the myth of a government starved by the Reagan
and Gingrich revolutions while more enlightened governments in Europe continued
to grow their egalitarian public sectors. In fact, almost the opposite is true.
Since the 1980s, as our nation has continued to age, the share of our citizens
covered primarily by government entitlement programs has continued to increase,
while European countries have tended to engage in privatizing reforms.
It’s actually easier to imagine a British version of
Packer’s lament, but that would implicate the austerity policies of more
fashionable Europhiles and Tory “modernizers” such as George Osborne and Philip
Hammond, rather than the uncouth American right-wingers or the spendthrift
populist Boris Johnson. The East Asian states that have done best in fighting
COVID-19 are not social-democratic but hyper-capitalist. Compared with them —
and to America —Western Europe has done much worse at containing the spread of
the coronavirus and the holding down the death toll. Even the response of
Germany, which has been praised so much for its competence, looks little
different from that of, say, Oregon, or Texas, or even Florida.
Of course, there is much to criticize and lament in the
American effort to fight the virus. President Trump’s mixed messages and
relentless partisanship have made everything harder. The White House still
lacks a clear vision for getting a sufficient test-and-trace regime together.
And America has been slower to describe and educate the public on what it will
look like to live with the virus between this initial phase of the crisis and
its final abatement. But to one extent or another, these problems have plagued
our peer nations in Europe, too, and it isn’t as if our response has been
without its virtues.
Indeed, while much of the criticism leveled by Packer and
others at the White House is true, their lamentation about American society is
mostly false. Our bottom-up, federalist response to the virus is encouraging
and showing results. Our partisan lines have blurred somewhat, if you look
beyond Twitter: Colorado, governed by a Democrat, is easing restrictions early;
some red states, such as Ohio, closed quickly and decisively. A supermajority
of Americans that cuts across party lines supports the notion of staying home
and has stayed home. The curve is looking more than flattened in most
regions now.
Packer’s own critique of American life, while passionate,
is one-sided, betraying the very lazy partisanship and privileged lack of
self-awareness he claims to decry. America’s endless culture war is the sort of
thing in which rich and free countries engage with a spirit of leisure.
Packer’s rant only proves how inadequate it is to the needs of the moment.
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