By Kevin D. Williamson
Monday, April 06, 2020
One way to understand socialism is that it is what
happens when everybody is in the army and the army runs everything.
In such a situation, the government does not have to
worry about contract negotiations when it wants some respirator masks or
ventilators — command gives the order and the order is carried out. If command
thinks the work at hand calls for 100,000 more truck drivers, then 100,000
workers in less-essential fields are reassigned. Ezra Pound, the American poet
and fascist propagandist, marveled at the efficiency (or what he took to be the
efficiency) of the collectivist economics of the Mussolini government, which,
by abolishing “the middlemen’s extortion and the wiles of the monopolists,”
gave the state a free hand to impose rational programs (or what he took to be
rational programs) on the production and distribution of Italy’s economic
output, with “the state able to use these materials as it needs them.”
Il Duce described his economic ideal — the marriage of
central planning with the urgency of war-mobilization — as “the socialism of
the trenches.” When the newly empowered leader of the German
National Socialist Workers’ Party was asked if he planned to nationalize
industries, he responded, “Why should I nationalize the industry? I shall
nationalize the people.”
The urgency of war and the instinct for centralization
constitute a marriage whose offspring inherit exaggerated versions of family
traits. And so in response to the current epidemic’s consequent economic
crisis, the Danes are “effectively nationalizing private payrolls,” as the New
York Times puts it, a unified national response that stands “in contrast to
the patchwork American system.” One of those American patches is the Defense
Production Act, which, in theory, empowers the U.S. government to behave like
Mussolini’s, ordering firms to produce what the government demands on the
government’s timeline, prioritizing the government’s priorities.
President Trump being President Trump, the task of
overseeing these programs has been entrusted to Peter Navarro, a former
economics professor with no expertise in the relevant issues, an amateur China
crank (that is his main appeal to Trump) whose area of study has been the
economics of utilities companies. Trump has been tweeting orders at General
Motors, but Navarro on Thursday told Politico that he has no idea
whether GM has actually done anything. Portrait of administrative impotence:
Navarro apparently cannot even get a meeting with the brass at GM. “I’ve talked
to a number of their proxies,” he told Politico. Pardon me, but: Proxies?
He went on to whimper that he had been “promised daily updates which have not
materialized.” The poor lamb.
Also writing in Politico, under the headline “On
the Coronavirus, the Nationalists Aren’t Nationalist Enough,” National
Review editor and The Case for Nationalism author Rich Lowry
lamented the early denial and slow response of the Trump administration to what
should have been a “natural populist nationalist issue.” But there we see those
exaggerated family traits: The Danish program of nationalization of payrolls
was part of a genuinely national effort rooted in national consensus, involving
many different political parties, business groups, unions, etc. The Trump
administration’s nationalism is not a substantive nationalism but a nationalism
of rhetoric with no strong relationship to any kind of coherent policy
agenda. Trump’s nationalism is in no small part about the word
“nationalism” — Trump’s fondness for it and the irritation it causes to people
not well-disposed to Trump. It is what one automotive analyst called Trump’s
attempts to boss around GM via the DPA: “a rhetorical flourish.”
The current state of emergency is offering a dramatic
illustration of the fact that many of our self-proclaimed nationalists on the
right are running into the same wall that has broken so many noses belonging to
self-proclaimed socialists on the left: American culture. The vagaries of
American political discourse notwithstanding, Denmark is not a socialist
country, and neither are Sweden, Norway, Finland, et al. — these are
liberal-democratic capitalist countries with relatively large welfare states
and relatively high taxes. But whatever you wish to call them, they are the
products of a culture and a politics that cannot simply be grafted onto the
United States.
The Trump administration’s troubles with the DPA and GM
are part of a very long America tradition. We think of World War II as “the
good war” and a time of patriotic and effective national mobilization — a
national effort that informs much of contemporary American progressive thinking
about the possibilities of government intervention and that informs, at least in
part, the Right’s nationalist fantasies. But the history to which we pay
insufficient attention includes the fact that the war contracting of that era
was an absolute pig-sty of “waste, inefficiency, mismanagement, and
profiteering,” as Harry Truman put it at the time.
Efforts at imposing social and economic regimentation on
American life are producing results that are very American, meaning that there
is a relatively high level of noncompliance, not only with “social distancing”
guidelines but also with heavy-handed government efforts to command and control
the private economy. The Scandinavian countries are having a different
experience, a more Scandinavian one. (As the Swedish journalist Lisa Bjurwald
puts it, buttoned-down and emotionally remote Swedes “were practicing the
coronavirus lifestyle long before the virus hit.”) Socialist or nationalist,
Left or Right, the powers that be in Washington bark orders all day — but they
are barking those orders at Americans. Good luck.
Emergencies, of course, eventually end. At the end of the
Great War, there was an effort among progressives to keep alive the “war
socialism” of the Wilson years as a new norm in American life. That was roundly
rejected. A smaller version of the same story played out after World War II.
Already, we are hearing from the Left and the Right a great deal of wishful
thinking about maintaining certain emergency measures associated with this
epidemic once the plague has passed. The Left wants to expand unemployment
benefits, paid leave, and the like, while the Right is more fixated on the fact
that Chinese factories make a lot of cheap paper goods and ibuprofen.
(James Pethokoukis is not alone in wondering why none of
these would-be central planners on the right had the foresight to fill national
reserves with the necessary goods when they could be globally sourced at low
prices rather than moan about it after it was too late.)
Emergency measures are not the right way to govern these
United States in ordinary times. They aren’t even all that good in emergencies.
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