By David French
Tuesday, January 09, 2018
In April 2014, America was transfixed by an armed
standoff in the Nevada desert. On one side was a collection of dangerous,
out-of-control armed men who were deliberately provocative, prone to saying
unhinged things in a single-minded quest to destroy their enemies, and who lied
time and again to cover their misdeeds.
On the other side was Cliven Bundy.
If you think that’s an unfair and inflammatory attack on
the federal government, consider that yesterday a federal judge, Obama
appointee Gloria Navarro, dismissed the federal government’s criminal case
against Bundy and two of his sons on the basis that the government was guilty
of “flagrant misconduct” in the trial. Its conduct was so “outrageous” that “no
lesser remedy” than dismissal with prejudice “is sufficient.”
The government, you see, lied. It withheld evidence. It
concealed the truth from the court and from the American people. To say this
isn’t to whitewash Bundy’s misdeeds. He broke the law. He defied the government
without any legal justification, and his own conduct helped precipitate a
crisis that could have led to a horrible tragedy. Bundy was wrong.
But so was the government, and the government’s conduct,
given its enormous power over the lives and liberty of its citizens, was far
more troubling than anything Bundy did.
It’s worth taking a short trip down memory lane. The
Bundy standoff at the time appeared to be a straightforward example of crazy
anti-government protesters courting violence in an effort to evade the law.
Bundy’s cows grazed on federal land, and he owed the government substantial
grazing fees. He also apparently ignored orders limiting the number of cows
that could graze and the places where they could graze. He harmed the habitat
of a protected tortoise.
The government sued Bundy twice, and Bundy lost each
time. Yet he still refused payment. He claimed that the government had a
vendetta against him and that it was more interested in harming him than
protecting endangered species. When the government came to seize his cattle,
Bundy called out the right-wing militia. Within days, armed federal agents
confronted armed “patriot” groups, and only an agreement by the feds to return
Bundy’s cattle defused the standoff.
To most of the country, the lessons were clear. White
rednecks (“Y’all Qaeda”) fought the law, and the white rednecks won. Since
virtually every controversy in this country is racialized, the standoff was
seen as the ultimate expression of white privilege (could any black American
get away with similar defiance?), and when the feds finally got around to
arresting and trying Bundy, the case seemed open and shut.
In its indictment, the federal government claimed that
Bundy used “deceit and deception” to recruit its allied “gunmen” to defend his
cattle from government seizure. As Mother
Jones’s Stephanie Mencimer outlined in a lengthy report on the case, the
alleged deceptions included claims that officers abused David Bundy when they
arrested him a few days before the standoff and claims that the Bureau of Land
Management had surrounded his property with snipers. Here’s Mencimer:
But those claims, dismissed by the government
as fiction by paranoid anti-government activists, have largely turned out to be
true. And it’s taken the government nearly two years, and three trials, to
admit as much in court.
Oops. As Mencimer notes, this information dribbled out
over the course of the court proceedings, at least until Larry Wooten, a BLM
special agent who worked on the Bundy case, wrote an explosive whistleblower
memo outlining a truly stunning series of government misdeeds that went well
beyond withholding evidence at the trial. To be clear, Wooten is no fan of the
Bundys. He rightly accused them of pursuing an “illegal, uncivilized, and
dangerous strategy,” but the same words apply to the federal government — the
alleged guardians of the rule of law.
First, he outlined vicious hostility toward the Bundys
and their allies. Federal agents called them, among other things, “retards,”
“rednecks,” “tractor-face,” and “inbred.” Emails insulted Bundy in terms that
can’t be reproduced in a decent publication. Wooten also “became aware” that
law-enforcement officers “bragged about roughing up Dave Bundy, grinding his
face into the ground, and Dave Bundy having little bits of gravel stuck in his
face.” Wooten called agents’ behavior “carnival, inappropriate, and childish.”
Wooten also claimed that the special agent in charge
“ignored” direction from U.S. attorneys and from BLM management and instead
chose to command “the most intrusive, oppressive, large-scale, and militaristic
trespass cattle impound possible.” Wooten also claimed there existed “excessive
use of force, civil rights, and policy violations,” including deliberate
efforts to withhold exculpatory evidence. Wooten not only accused the
government of misrepresenting the truth about snipers at trial, he specifically
described the snipers’ armament and positioning.
In her ruling dismissing the case, Judge Navarro noted
that the government also withheld information about threat assessments
indicating that the Bundys weren’t violent, documents showing that cattle
grazing “hadn’t threatened the desert tortoise,” and hundreds of pages of
internal-affairs documents about the special agent in charge. (BLM had fired
him for, in part, “improperly using his position to get coveted tickets for
friends to attend the Burning Man arts festival in 2015.”)
Taken together, the evidence demonstrates that sometimes
the paranoid are correct. In this case, evidence shows that a federal agency
motivated by ego, anger, and prejudice launched the most militaristic and
aggressive campaign possible against a rancher whom federal officials had
deemed to be likely peaceful. There is evidence they abused that rancher’s son,
ringed his property with snipers, and intended to “kick [him] in the mouth and
take his cattle.” Then, when it came time to prosecute that same rancher, they
withheld the truth and portrayed his accurate claims about federal misconduct
as criminal deceptions designed to inflame public outrage.
Federal judges do not dismiss federal prosecutions
lightly, and Obama appointees are hardly known to carry water for right-wing
militias. Moreover, Judge Navarro’s dismissal is in no way a vindication of
Bundy’s tactics. His allies, after all, went so far as to put women in the
front of the firing line with the express hope that they’d die first in any
firefight — and embarrass the federal government in front of the world. Others
pointed guns straight at federal officers. That’s not civil disobedience,
that’s armed resistance, and it’s entirely inappropriate when — as we see here
— the law still offered redress against violations of Bundy’s civil rights.
The judge, however, understood her legal obligations. Who
is the greater threat to public peace and the rule of law? A rancher and his
sons angry that the government is destroying his livelihood in part through
political favoritism and vindictiveness? Or a government that acts as if might
makes right, abuses its citizens, and uses maximum force when far less
intrusion and risk would accomplish its lawful purposes?
Bundy’s case teaches a number of valuable lessons. We
cannot presume the government’s virtue. Sometimes even wild tales are true. And
every American — from the angriest antifa activist to the leader of “Y’all
Qaeda” — is entitled to the full protection of the United States Constitution.
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