National
Review Online
Tuesday,
January 02, 2018
Protests
have erupted across Iran. From the country’s relatively modern cities to its
more remote, fervently religious areas, Iranian citizens are challenging the
despotic theocracy that rules over them. The protests began as dissatisfaction
with a faltering economy bubbled over. They have since mushroomed into large-scale
demonstrations for political freedom, demands for the removal of Ayatollah Ali
Khamenei, Iran’s head of state, and even expressions of nostalgia for Reza
Shah, the founder of the old secular Pahlavi dynasty.
The
protests are different in origin from the Green Movement in 2009, which broke
out when, after the systematic election-fixing the regime engages in proved
insufficient, the mullahs took the added step of throwing the election to
then-president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Yet they present the most significant
challenge to the regime since — and just as it did then, the clerical tyranny
is cracking down. At least 21 people have been killed, and hundreds more have
been detained.
The
United States government should zealously support the protests against the
tyranny of this regime. That would be a pointed departure from the approach of
Barack Obama, who remained shamefully inert at the beginning of his term,
despite the regime’s brutal crackdown on its people and the subsequent
discovery of its secret nuclear facilities. Thus far, President Trump’s remarks
are a good start. He has publicly criticized the regime ever since the protests
gained steam, and tweeted that “the US is watching.” The Left has chided Trump
on the grounds that his supporting the protesters will undermine their cause by
allowing the regime to claim that the hated United States is fomenting their
movement. But Khamenei is viciously anti-American, and he will blame the
protests on the U.S. no matter what.
Indeed,
he already has. On Twitter, Khamenei accused “enemies of Iran” — a thinly
veiled reference to the U.S. — of using “the various means they possess” to
“infiltrate and strike the Iranian nation,” despite the fact that these
protests are local in origin. Opposition to the United States is a first
principle of the Iranian regime, and it uses it to justify their grip on power.
To be
sure, the United States has a limited ability to influence the ultimate outcome
of the protests. It is difficult to glean accurate information from within Iran,
thanks in part to the regime’s long-standing practice of shielding itself from
journalistic scrutiny. Many of the political reformers that were instrumental
in the Green Movement have been killed, detained, or placed under house arrest,
making it difficult to identify an organized faction that the U.S. could easily
assist. To the extent that we can, however, we should work to tilt the scales
against the regime. In this case, American foreign-policy interests are aligned
with the interests of Iranian civilians: In addition to being an authoritarian
menace that denies its citizens human rights, Iran’s regime has been sponsoring
terrorism across the Middle East and killing Americans for decades. If the
regime is swept away, Iran has a chance to be a normal country that tends to
its own interests instead of exporting jihad. That would be a boon for U.S. and
global security.
Accordingly,
we should take robust diplomatic actions. Along with Trump’s initial comments,
the State Department issued a statement denouncing the regime and noting our
support for the protesters. United Nations ambassador Nikki Haley has called
for meetings of the U.N. Human Rights Council and the Security Council in order
to draw attention to the regime’s ongoing and brutal repression. We should also
urge our allies in Europe to speak out, and given the economic origins of these
protests, tighten sanctions on Iran. The regime is unpopular in part because
Iranian president Hassan Rouhani isn’t delivering the economic benefits to
citizens that he campaigned on. We should make it impossible for him to paper
over his regime’s brutal nature with promises of prosperity; the need to
withdraw from the ill-conceived Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action is as clear
as ever. In keeping with Trump’s renunciation of Obama’s Iran deal, the White
House and Congress should rebuild the sanctions regimen against Iran — and
punish those that, by engaging in commerce with the regime, enable it to
promote terror, arm up, and terrorize its people.
In 2009,
the regime tried to jam radio stations such as Voice of America and Radio
Farda, a Farsi iteration of Radio Free Europe. Radio Farda in particular has
not lived up to its potential, and Trump should focus on making sure Iranians
can listen to its broadcasts. We should also take actions to prevent the regime
from blocking civilian access to the Internet. Social media proved instrumental
in 2009, until the government placed constraints on Internet speeds. This time
around, apps such as Telegram and WhatsApp are allowing protesters to
coordinate, and the Trump administration should make every effort to ensure
that the protesters can continue to use these services.
Just as
we can help demonstrators today in visible ways, we should undertake covert
actions that might help undermine the regime over the long term. The United
States should identify viable factions and provide assistance to them. This
will be a delicate task; some groups will not want our help. We should make a
concerted effort to support the ones that do.
Dictatorships
fall when the repressive apparatus of the ruling regime buckles, and there is
no way to know when, or even whether, it will in Iran. Nonetheless, we commend
these protesters who are risking their lives and hope the United States does
everything it can to help them.
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