By Kevin D. Williamson
Sunday, January 07, 2018
Republicans like the look of the presidential electoral
map: On a county-by-county basis, the United States is a vast sea of Republican
red separating two little beachheads of Democratic blue, broken by a few little
blue islands with names such as Chicago and Denver. That’s a lot of red.
But the blue bits? There aren’t many of them . . . but
that’s where the people are.
If real estate cast votes, the United States would be practically
a one-party state. And, to be sure, as things stand, the Republicans are doing
well, controlling the presidency and both houses of Congress while enjoying a
commanding position in the states. “Who needs California?” they ask, often with
a sneer. “Who needs New York and New Jersey?”
The answer: America does.
Conservatives, too.
In its quest to “Make America Great Again,” the
Republican party, and to a lesser extent the conservative movement that
animates itself, has taken a position of enmity toward much of what made
America great in the first place. With all due respect to those amber waves of
grain, coastal urban America has in many ways led the way: Hollywood, Wall
Street, Ronald Reagan, punk rock, Ellis Island, Edison, Apple, Facebook, Google,
J. P. Morgan, General Electric.
The modern conservative movement was not a product of the
Old South or the Midwest but an intellectual phenomenon that percolated up in
Southern California and New York City. (With apologies to Mr. and Mr. Koch,
there’s a reason William F. Buckley Jr. did not choose to launch a journal in
Wichita.) It’s all good and fine to point to the troubles — and they are many —
of the Democrat-dominated states and cities, but in their rhetorical frenzy to
abominate the Democrat-leaning parts of the country, Republicans have put
themselves at odds with many of our most successful industries, institutions,
and communities. Republicans sneer at Silicon Valley and at the elite
universities that educate the people who work there. In favor of what? A
resentment-driven cultural milieu that insists that the “Real America” is to be
found elsewhere, and that the “Real America” looks like Hee-Haw without the music or self-deprecating humor. They insist
that San Francisco is Hell on Earth but never ask why it is that so many people
want to live there — or they just write off those who do as degenerates and
hopelessly un-American.
That’s bad politics.
About 40 million Americans, more than 12 percent of the
population, live in two metropolitan areas: New York and Los Angeles. About 10
million Americans live in Los Angeles County alone, more than the populations
of Kansas, Nebraska, Idaho, Montana, the Dakotas, Alaska, and Wyoming combined.
One in four Americans live in a handful of big, urban, Democrat-dominated
states: California, New York, Illinois, and New Jersey.
Sure, but Texas has a lot of people, too. That’s true,
and about 75 percent of them live in the urban triangle defined by I-35, I-45,
and I-10. Most Texans live either in big cities such as Houston and San Antonio
or in the larger metros around them. And Texas’s cities are, politically
speaking, a lot like other big American cities: Democrat-dominated. There is no
Texas city larger than Fort Worth that regularly elects Republican mayors. If
uncontested control of the Amarillo city council is the Republican party’s
long-term goal, it’s on its way. But if the GOP would like to make inroads into
San Antonio or Houston — to say nothing of Los Angeles or Chicago — then
something is going to have to change.
In 2018, our politics isn’t about policy. It’s about Kulturkampf, which means it is about
enemies. For contemporary Republicans, especially those of the Trump-oriented
persuasion, that means the people they denounce as “elites” and “globalists.”
Trump denounces “elites” and “globalists,” and his partisans find this
satisfying. He also spent his first year in office giving those “elites” and
“globalists” practically everything they wanted in terms of his policy agenda,
including a very large corporate tax cut and the imposition of a territorial
tax system — two proposals near and dear to the pinstriped hearts of
multinational executives around the world but of relatively little interest to
pissed-off underemployed white guys in Garbutt.
The self-respecting nationalist-populist might ask why it
is that Lloyd Blankfein got his tax cut before they got their wall — if
politics were about policy. But it isn’t. The self-respecting
nationalist-populist might wonder why Trump is talking about how great the
stock market is doing when 2017 saw the weakest growth in jobs since 2010. They
might wonder why two of the most important figures in Trumpworld — Treasury
Secretary Steve Mnuchin and recently exiled consigliere Steve Bannon — both are
products of Goldman Sachs and
Hollywood, detestable coastal elites if ever there were any.
Oh, but let’s talk about Rosie O’Donnell . . .
Politics can be about policy, and the
Democratic-dominated parts of the country could use a dose of good conservative
thinking when it comes to improving their terrible public schools, reducing
crime, sorting out their pension messes, and improving the standard of living
for non-billionaires in high-priced coastal states. The cities need
Republicans, and Republicans need the cities — assuming that they do not want to
be a political party that dominates only those parts of the country where the
people aren’t. Some will say: “California — let it burn!” Considering the
cultural excesses of the tech industry, my colleague Heather Wilhelm suggested
in these pages last week that we “Wall Off Silicon Valley.” She was being
funny, but not everybody is joking.
The “Real American” sneering at New York and California
is tied up in silly and romantic notions about virtue. Not that virtue is silly
or that venerating it is romantic. Far from it: Virtue is essential to the
healthy and peaceful functioning of a free republic. What’s silly is the notion
that virtue cannot be found, practiced, or taught in Los Angeles, and what’s
daftly romantic is the notion that it somehow sprouts up out of the ground
wherever corn and wheat do. It’s worth keeping in mind that the Reverend Billy
Graham didn’t stay on the farm: He went to the big city (Minneapolis, in his
case) and became a college president before launching his revivals in Los
Angeles. There’s a reason Peter went to Rome.
Writing off half of the country as a lost cause is bad
for the Republican soul. It also will prove bad for Republican electoral
prospects, in time. If the Republican party cannot be moved by the prospect of
regaining its soul, then surely it can be moved by the prospect of losing the
world, or at least Congress.
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