By Jonathan S. Tobin
Thursday, May 18, 2017
When the Washington
Post reported that President Trump had revealed to the Russians classified
intelligence obtained from an ally in the Middle East, speculation immediately
began about the source of the information. It wasn’t long before the answer was
revealed: Israel, exactly what most people in the security establishment
assumed all long.
Whatever else ensues from this latest bizarre Trumpian
controversy, it highlights the fact that the relationship between the U.S. and
the Jewish state shouldn’t be seen — as Israel’s critics and foes often seek to
portray it — as a case of the latter exploiting or manipulating the former
against its best interests. Israel isn’t just America’s only democratic ally in
the Middle East, with ties rooted primarily in shared values. It is also an
inestimable strategic asset to its superpower ally.
We may never know the security consequences of Trump’s
decision for Israel or the United States. Perhaps, as National Security Adviser
H. R. McMaster insisted, there was no harm in passing along what we are told
was data about an ISIS plot to blow up airliners with bombs concealed in laptop
computers. That said, the reports that Trump’s spur-of-the-moment decision to
share the intelligence may have endangered an Israeli agent in the ISIS capital
of Raaqa were alarming. Suffice it to say that the president’s act was, in one
way or another, a breach of protocol even if it was legal.
The controversy set off arguments in both countries as to
whether the Israelis ought to trust the Trump administration with intelligence.
That’s especially pertinent given rumors earlier in the year that U.S.
intelligence operatives had warned their Israeli counterparts that their
secrets weren’t safe with Trump. That may or may not have happened, but either
way, it’s highly doubtful that Israel will retaliate against the U.S. by
shutting off the spigot of information that has flowed to Washington for decades.
With a president who, for all of his obvious faults, is still seen by Israelis
as far friendlier to their nation than his predecessor was, it’s likely that
Prime Minister Netanyahu will give Trump a pass and use the incident to remind
him just how valuable a friend the Jewish state is to the U.S.
The notion that Israel is a beggar client state totally
dependent for its existence on American largesse is an idea that was often
unwittingly encouraged by its supporters, who wished to capitalize on the sympathy
of the American public for the Zionist project. At other times it was Israel’s
enemies — such as academics Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer, who achieved
some temporary celebrity with their 2007 book The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy — who sought to portray
U.S. backing for the Jewish state as the result of a vast conspiracy.
But while some Americans still think of Israel as a
charity case, it is nothing of the kind. Moreover, the history of U.S. aid to
Israel makes it clear that American support has always been a function of the
Jewish state’s strategic value more than anything else.
Israel began life 70 years ago with no help from the
United States. At the moment of its greatest peril, when five Arab armies
invaded on the day Israel declared its independence in 1948, America imposed an
arms embargo. Approximately 1 percent of Israel’s population was killed during
the 1948–49 War of Independence, but all the United States contributed was
moral support. The U.S. continued the embargo until the 1960s, as Israel’s
victories in the wars of 1956 and 1967 were won with French arms.
It was only after 1967’s Six-Day War — when Israel’s
victory expanded its territory beyond the narrow, indefensible 1949 armistice
lines — that the United States began to think of Israel as an asset and started
supplying it with substantial economic and military aid. Israel’s victories
over Soviet-equipped Egyptian and Syrian armies placed it in the middle of a
Cold War conflict, and the substantial aid packages it began to receive in
those years were an investment in an ally as well as a reward for its
acceptance of American-brokered ceasefires. That aid was increased after the
peace with Egypt in order to further compensate Israel for what it gave up in
order to facilitate a peace that also secured Cairo as a U.S. ally.
Intelligence-sharing between Israel’s Mossad and the CIA
predated this period, but the conversion of an arms-length relationship into a
strategic alliance grew in the 1970s and then especially the 1980s during the
Reagan administration. Throughout this period, Israel benefited from military
aid that allowed it to maintain a qualitative edge over its potential enemies,
whose arsenals were largely supplied by the Soviets, as well as by the U.S. to
some extent. But in return, the Americans were able to draw upon Israel’s
extensive intelligence network throughout the region, as well as take advantage
of Israel’s expertise in designing and perfecting weapon systems.
In the 1990s, U.S. economic aid was eliminated as the
Israeli economy boomed thanks to its decision to discard the socialist model
its Labor Zionist founders had built. But Israel still faced dangerous enemies,
including an Iranian regime that was strengthened by the toppling of Saddam
Hussein. That meant the $3 billion in military aid that it continued to receive
from the U.S. was still vital for its security.
But few here understand that the vast majority of that
aid was actually spent in the U.S. on American armaments. Indeed, in the aid
package President Obama negotiated with Israel in 2016, the U.S. insisted that
even the minimal amounts that Israel had previously been allowed to spend at
home be eliminated.
Though the Cold War ended, the U.S. continued to draw
upon the assets of its Israeli ally as different threats emerged. As unlikely
as it may be, the mere notion that Israel might start holding back important
information because of fears that it will be heedlessly revealed to rivals or
foes is something that ought to scare Americans.
With Iran seeking regional hegemony, and with radical
Islamists taking up the vacuum left by the collapse of Syria and the U.S.
withdrawal from Iraq, it is hardly a secret that the U.S. finds itself
increasingly in need of Israeli intelligence, just as some of Israel’s former
Arab foes, such as Saudi Arabia, now look to it as a tacit ally because they
fear Iran far more than they hate the Jewish state.
Even though Israel punches far above its weight, the U.S.
is the senior partner in the alliance. But what Trump’s predecessors often
forgot was that actions that weakened Israel — such as Obama’s feckless pursuit
of détente with Iran, which was greatly strengthened by the nuclear deal he cut
with Tehran — ultimately hurt the U.S. too. The same can be said for efforts to
force Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians, who are split between
Islamist terrorists and a corrupt Fatah regime that is unwilling and unable to
make peace.
Trump’s breach of protocol with Russia may not do as much
damage as is feared, but it does serve to remind us that the information
superhighway between the U.S. and Israel is a two-way street. Those who
continue to cling to the fallacy that Israel is a burden on U.S. interests need
to realize that without its help, America is often flying blind in the Middle
East.
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