By Alexandra DeSanctis
Wednesday, May 03, 2017
If someone who paid little attention to American politics
were to quickly survey congressional activity and presidential rhetoric since
January, he might be excused for thinking that the Democratic party is firmly
ensconced in both Congress and the White House. Very little has been
accomplished so far this year, and that, along with the poor quality of the few
supposed “successes,” can be ascribed to the dysfunctionality of the ruling
Republican party and the inability of its leadership to achieve results amid
general chaos.
This week alone, congressional leaders reached a
“compromise” on a $1 trillion budget deal that consisted primarily of
concessions made by the GOP majority and points scored for Democrats. These
include the continued funding of Planned Parenthood and so-called “sanctuary
cities,” nearly $300 million for Puerto Rico’s Medicaid program, and language
preventing the funding of any border-wall construction. The $1.5 billion
apportioned for border security does not permit any funding of a deportation
force.
Democrats did fail to secure congressional funding for
the Affordable Care Act’s cost-sharing reduction payments, which subsidize the
provision of health care for low-income people. But these payments are already
appropriated by the White House under the current budget, and though President
Trump has threatened to end them, the White House has agreed to continue them
indefinitely. No actual loss for Democrats there.
The closest thing to a Republican victory in the proposed
budget is the $15 billion to fight terrorism, but that isn’t a partisan issue
at all; most Democrats are on board with fighting ISIS and its allies in one
form or another. Surely the allotment of such funding required little give and
take, especially since the bill stipulates that a portion of the funding will
be available only if the White House offers a concrete plan to take down ISIS.
On the issue of health care, too, the GOP has seen more
defeat than victory. Trump promised to flex his famed deal-making muscles and
replace the Affordable Care Act on Day One, but when it came time to do
business, he lacked the ability to push the American Health Care Act (AHCA)
through the House.
After a mid-March debacle that saw House leadership
pulling the bill from the floor just hours before a scheduled vote, GOP members
have continued to wrangle over its provisions, in the hopes of passing a
revised version as soon as possible. But that process has been fraught with
disagreement, pitting hardline conservative reformers against moderates who
don’t want to touch most of Obamacare’s provisions, as a petulant president
tweets about the process more frequently than he achieves any victories in
negotiation.
One is left wondering what good it does for Republicans
to hold the White House and both
chambers of Congress if they still can’t manage to achieve any conservative
victories. Arguably the party’s biggest wins so far have been not new policies
but rather rollbacks, through the Congressional Review Act, of Obama-era
executive overreach.
Some of the holdup must be attributed to the man at the
helm, who last May said, “This is called the Republican party, it’s not called
the Conservative party.” Trump, who has been a Republican politician for less
than two years now, has changed or openly considered changing his stance on
nearly every policy issue — reversals often due to his propensity for opining
on policy before he knows anything about it — and reports from Capitol Hill
suggest that working with him hinders progress more than anything. Having such
a man as the leader of the GOP is a huge hurdle for getting anything done in an
efficient, authentically conservative way.
The problem also stems from politicians’ aversion to
telling the public that it can’t have everything it wants at no cost to it.
Other than the members of the conservative House Freedom Caucus — who refused
to vote for the AHCA without substantial cuts to the structure of Obamacare and
have since dedicated themselves to working out a compromise — few Republicans
seem inclined to enact real conservative policies. Most seem to fear being
painted as the bad guys.
Moderate Republicans in both the House and the Senate
have insisted for months that they won’t support any revision of Obamacare that
results in any of their constituents’ losing coverage, an essentially
impossible goal if the legislation also aims to decrease premiums and give
states freedom. The vast majority of Republican legislators insist that the
health-care replacement will still require that insurers cover pre-existing
conditions, a provision that will always necessitate an Obamacare-like
structure. And some GOP leaders must have caved on nearly every issue during
budget negotiations in order to produce a bill so overwhelmingly favorable to
Democrats.
If House Republicans manage to pass a revised version of
the AHCA later this week, it’ll be an important step. But the underlying
problem remains: Too many in the GOP have exchanged conservativism for
feel-good rhetoric, and our president isn’t poised to stop them.
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