By Mark Moyar
Monday, May 22, 2017
Note: The following
is an excerpt from Mark Moyar’s Oppose Any Foe: The Rise of America’s
Special Operations Forces.
The first month of 2012 was, indeed, a highly auspicious
time to wave the banner of special-operations forces in support of a new
national-security strategy.
Through the Osama bin Laden raid and other recent
victories, special operators had amassed unprecedented prestige both within
Washington and in the country more generally.
Special-operations forces seemed not only more exciting,
but also more efficient and decisive than the conventional military forces that
had been employed in the wars of Iraq and Afghanistan. Hollywood was releasing
movie after movie extolling the virtues of the special units, including a film
called Act of Valor that starred
active-duty SEALs. On the Internet, dating sites were hit by epidemics of men
pretending to be special operators in order to win the hearts of unsuspecting
women.
Although President Obama relied mainly on subordinates to
sell his new strategy to the public, he did cite the special operators while
explaining the strategy during an interview with journalist Mark Bowden, who
was writing a book on the bin Laden operation. “Special Forces are well
designed to deal with the very specific targets in difficult terrain and
often-times prevent us from making the bigger strategic mistakes of sending
forces in, with big footprints and so forth,” he explained. “So when you’re
talking about dealing with terrorist networks, in failed states, or states that
don’t have capacity, you can see that as actually being less intrusive, less
dangerous, less problematic for the country involved.”
What Obama had called “Special Forces” were in actuality
the special-operations forces (SOF) — the official term for all the units
dedicated to the conduct of special operations. Special-operations forces
include not only the U.S. Army’s Special Forces, but also the Army Rangers,
Navy SEALs, Air Force Night Stalkers, and Special Operations Marines, among
others. Mixing up Special Forces with special-operations forces was a common
enough mistake, and one that might have been unworthy of mention had the
president merely been dispensing praise to an obscure federal bureaucracy, on
the order of the Japan–U.S. Friendship Commission or the American Battle
Monuments Commission. But SOF had become the centerpiece of Obama’s
national-security strategy, and hence the misstep encouraged doubts about the amount
of thought that had gone into the strategic redesign. Later events were to
confirm that administration strategists had not given adequate consideration to
the strengths and limitations of special-operations forces before hoisting them
to the apex of the world’s most powerful military.
It was not the first time that presidential ambitions for
special-operations forces had outstripped presidential familiarity with those
forces. Indeed, no president, Republican or Democrat, has ever demonstrated a
commanding grasp of special-operations forces and their capabilities, although
John F. Kennedy at times came close. Presidential unfamiliarity acquired a new
significance under Obama, however, because U.S. special-operations forces were
larger and more prominent than ever before, and because their ascent in Obama’s
first term contributed to a terrific crash during his second term. Egged on by
the White House, the Special Operations Command would attempt to acquire new
powers at the expense of the rest of the U.S. military and government. Its
leadership would flout the rules of the Defense Department and Congress, on the
presumption that no one would dare challenge the men who killed Osama bin
Laden. Congress eventually used its power of the purse to rein in Special
Operations Command, killing the budgets for ambitious plans to extend the reach
of special-operations forces.
Most of the factors that precipitated this calamity could
have been anticipated, and at least some avoided, had the principal players
been attuned to the history of American special-operations forces. That history
began during the first months of U.S. participation in World War II, when in
the crucible of total war the United States formed its first units dedicated to
special operations. From 1942 to 1945, the Army Rangers, the Marine Corps
Raiders, the Navy Frogmen, and the special operators of the civilian-led Office
of Strategic Services (OSS) executed difficult and dangerous operations that
not only made them the role models for future operators, but also brought into
daylight the main challenges that were to confront special-operations forces
ever afterward.
The 75-year rise of special operations forces from humble
origins in World War II to the present day is, at bottom, a coming-of-age
story. Special-operations forces began as unwanted stepchildren, and they
languished in that status for more than four decades. From time to time, they
found supportive stepfathers in Washington, but for the most part they were
left at the mercy of jealous stepbrothers. In 1986, the creation of the Special
Operations Command in Tampa and its accompanying bank account set SOF loose
like an 18-year-old who just moved out of the house prone to naïve ambitions
and unwise choices. In the first decade of the 21st century, special-operations
forces came into their own, growing into a force of 70,000 troops with help
from a president and Congress desperate for weapons to wield against Islamic
extremists. Champions of special operations called for the transformation of
SOF from a secondary weapon that supported conventional forces to a primary
weapon that could take the place of their conventional counterparts. But then
the success went to the heads of the special-operations leaders and caused them
to reach too far, leaving the Department of Defense strewn with wreckage whose
pieces are still being picked up today.
Like any good coming-of-age story, the story of
special-operations forces is interwoven with a colorful cast of characters.
Most special operators volunteered for what they knew would be unusually
difficult and dangerous duty, and thus the pantheon of special-operations forces
brims with men of exceptional talent, courage, dedication, and selflessness.
These same special operators, being mortals, have at times succumbed to folly,
narcissism, or fear. For some, the acquisition of elite status helped turn
confidence into hubris, with all the attendant troubles one might expect.
Brilliance has been mixed with bad judgment, in no small part because of the
need to make decisions quickly, under stress, and without sleep. The story
includes first crushes, rites of passage, harrowing action scenes, falls from
grace, and redemption. As a story of war, it has more than its share of
suffering, glory, and death.
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