By Yuval Levin
Wednesday, September 07, 2016
With two months to go before Election Day, one of the
many unusual features of the 2016 election is that surprisingly few people are
even trying to pretend it isn’t awful.
Hillary Clinton has her fans, to be sure, and there has
been a concerted effort (which came to a head on the second night of the
Democratic convention) to get excited about the prospect of the first woman
president. But generally speaking, it seems that even many Clinton voters
understand that she is a mess of a candidate. Corruption and dishonesty at the
unusual levels she exhibits are generally offset in politics by entertainment
value, while her kind of lackluster tedium is generally the price you pay for
earnestness and honesty. But Clinton manages to be corrupt and dull, dishonest
and tedious, all at the same time.
She tries her best to embody the social spirit of her
party but doesn’t seem to be genuinely sold on the illiberal identity politics
sweeping up younger Democrats. And the programmatic progressivism she
instinctively does channel is basically an exhausted Great Society mindset.
There are surely more interesting ideas to be found in some corners of the Left
now, but Clinton gravitates toward a “last hurrah of the Baby Boomers”
liberalism instead. The Democrats are approaching the post-Obama era as a party
with a 69 year-old presidential nominee (whose chief opponent in the primaries
was 74) and two 76-year-old congressional leaders. They are certainly intent on
beating the Republicans, but they are not an energized or enthusiastic
party.
Donald Trump is also a septuagenarian, but he is not
dull. You’ve got to give him that much. His party, however, is even less
enthusiastic about its presidential nominee than the Democrats. In late August,
YouGov asked Republican voters who they’d want to see win their party’s
primaries if they could start the process over again, and only 29 percent said
Trump. This was still more than any other candidate got (Cruz got 15 percent,
Rubio 14 percent, a result that sent me back to the wall against which I banged
my head all winter and spring), but it’s a pretty shabby plurality for the
party’s nominee at the end of the summer—and a smaller one than he actually won
in the primaries.
Most Republicans wish they had a different candidate
(though those, like me, who will not vote for Trump and consider him simply
unfit for the presidency are certainly a modest minority). And it’s already
pretty hard to find people making affirmative arguments for him rather than
merely explaining they’ll vote Trump because they think they have to vote for
one of the two major-party candidates and Hillary is even worse. And no, I
don’t think the people who send me cartoonishly anti-Semitic emails (a growing
number of which actually contain cartoons, way to branch out guys!) are making
affirmative arguments for Trump.
There are certainly arguments out there about what people
wish Trump might be or mean, but very few of them (as their proponents are
generally willing to acknowledge), have all that much to do with the actual
Donald Trump. They are mostly about voters and issues that deserve a hearing or
problems that have been too long ignored, or a sense (borne of a radical
failure of imagination, it seems to me) that our politics should just be blown
up since things could hardly get much worse. Some serious people have pointed
to very real value in the sheer disruption of Trump having gotten this far, but
they are at a loss to then justify actually making him president for four
years. Conversations with Trump voters about the prospect of a President Trump
generally conclude in the hope that he might be surrounded by people who will
restrain his instincts or direct his energies—which isn’t exactly a vote of
confidence.
It’s hard to ignore the hideous character failings at the
core of the man, and for this purpose maybe especially his fundamental
infidelity toward all who rely on his word, which makes it hard to take
seriously any assurances. He has sometimes shown himself capable of sticking to
script or obeying the teleprompter, and when he does that he raises the
possibility that he may be containable. But when Trump is given a chance to
reveal something of himself, he without fail reveals a terrifying emptiness.
The idea that such a man would be improved by being handed immense power simply
refuses to be believed. Even wishful thinking supercharged by a justified dread
of what a Hillary Clinton administration could do to the American republic can
only go so far—certainly far enough not to vote for her, but for this voter not
nearly far enough to vote for him. Neither major-party option in this election
is worthy of affirmation, and no amount of wishing it were otherwise is likely
to change that. All we can do, it seems to me, is hope and work for a Congress
able and inclined to counterbalance a dangerous executive.
And so we are left with an election campaign that has
most people going through the familiar motions heading into autumn, but without
much of the familiar energy and passion. The parties, the political press, and
the part of the electorate that inclines to care all seem to be acting out of a
kind of muscle memory, if only as a way of avoiding the unnerving strangeness
of this election.
But no one can overlook it altogether. The unease and
dissatisfaction of some of the most partisan voters in America heading into a
general election will have consequences. One of those, it seems to me, is that,
whatever our party, we will incline to look at this year and at the presidency
that will commence next year as an ending more than a beginning in our
politics. An ending is still monumental, this is a pivotal time. But an ending
will not quite define the next phase of our politics as much as increase the
urgency of its arrival. What we are seeing and learning this year will surely
shape what follows in some very important ways, both good and bad. But whoever
wins in November, this will not be the launch of a new political order in
America. It will rather be the reason we decide it’s time for a change, and
turn our politics into an argument about what that change must be. 2016 should
leave Americans of all stripes thinking that our great nation can surely do
much better than this.
That at least is my own brand of wishful thinking as the
final stretch of the race approaches.
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