By Noah Rothman
Tuesday,
February 13, 2024
At
what should have been the close of Joe Biden’s impromptu press conference last
week, in which the president oddly sought to allay concerns about his advanced
age by displaying all the traits classically associated with dotage, the
president shuffled back to the lectern to allow himself one last dig at Israel.
The
Jewish state’s defensive war against Hamas in Gaza was “over the top,” Biden said. “I’m pushing very hard now to deal with this
hostage ceasefire,” he continued, adding that he hoped a temporary cease-fire
might lead to a “sustained pause in the fighting.” If he could secure a brief
cessation in the hostilities, “I think that we would be able to extend that so
that we could increase the prospect that this fighting in Gaza changes,” the
president said.
The
chances of that outcome probably declined with the president’s admission.
Biden’s concession that a deal to release some of the hostages still alive and
in Hamas’s custody would be used as leverage against Israel to
prevent it from pursuing its prime directive in this war — the neutralization
of Hamas as a terrorist threat — surely makes Israel’s cooperation less likely.
This
was not just an errant thought. In a press conference alongside Jordan’s King
Abdullah II on Monday, Biden restated his desire to see Israel stand down. “Our
military operation in Rafah—” Biden paused, collected himself, and continued:
“the major military operation in Rafah should not proceed without a credible
plan — a credible plan — for ensuring the safety and support of [the] more than
one million people sheltering there,” he
said. “They need to be protected.” The president restated
his desire to seek a deal that would lead to an “immediate and
sustained period of calm to Gaza for at least six weeks,” in which time
negotiators could “build something more enduring.”
Biden
might think he’s articulating a view shared by most of his countrymen. A
recent AP-NORC poll found that half of all American adults
now believe “Israel’s military offensive has gone beyond what it should have.”
But Biden risks much if he overinvests in that emerging consensus. As Nicholas Grossman wrote for the Daily Beast,
the polling does not show that Americans do not favor an outcome of this war
that leaves Hamas in control of the Gaza Strip or holds U.S. aid hostage in the
effort to force Israel to abandon its objectives. The public is of two minds on
this war, so it’s on Biden to make up his own.
Israel
isn’t waiting around. As Phil Klein detailed yesterday, Israel on Sunday
executed a raid in the city of Rafah and secured the release of two hostages
held in Hamas’s custody since October 7. The audacious and successful mission
hasn’t generated much enthusiasm from administration officials, however. The
White House and its agencies seem far more concerned with the early evidence of
Israel’s intention to do exactly what it said it would do from the outset of
this war — eradicate Hamas in all its strongholds.
The
Biden administration has made its opposition to any displacement of the
Palestinian people in Rafah clear. At the same time, the White House also
insists that Israel commit to efforts at scale to protect Gaza’s population
from the fighting. These two objectives are in conflict. One proposal Israel shared with Egypt would create
refugee camps inside Gaza replete with humanitarian services designed to
temporarily shelter evacuees — a plan that must be executed amid Hamas’s
resistance, as it seeks to preserve as many human shields as it can. This was
apparently unacceptable to the president.
An
exchange between Biden and Netanyahu this weekend reportedly “grew tense” as
Biden pressed for his counterpart to observe restraint. “The U.S. has made it
clear that it won’t under any circumstances support a plan for such an invasion
and that it would prefer to see targeted operations,” one unnamed U.S. official
told the Wall Street Journal. “He just feels like this is enough,”
another figure close to Biden said of the president’s outlook toward Israel’s
war in comments provided to NBC News. “It has to stop.”
Of
course, the president is engaged in a balancing act. The interests not just of
his domestic constituents who gravitate toward the Democratic coalition
and despise Israel’s conduct weigh heavily on him, but so,
too, do the concerns of Arab states like Egypt and Jordan. Their populations
are not nearly as keen on preserving peaceful relations
with Jerusalem as those regimes themselves, and a humanitarian catastrophe in
Gaza threatens their stability. But politics happens in Israel, too. And in
Israel, there is no daylight between Netanyahu’s government and his opponents,
both inside his coalition and outside it, on the overall objective of this war.
In deference to the overwhelming demand of the Israeli people, Israel will see
Hamas destroyed.
By
showing his cards as he has, the president has sacrificed some of the influence
over Israel his government should covet. By advertising a cease-fire deal as a
Trojan horse — a ruse designed to box Israel in and present it with facts on
the ground that it must simply accept — Biden has lost some ability to pursue
that outcome. If Biden believes Israel’s war “has to stop” before it has
achieved its objectives, Israel — with profound trepidation and regret over the
conditions Biden’s White House imposed on them — will simply ignore the
president.
Biden’s
balancing act is falling apart. In observance of his obligations to Israel’s
critics, he’s losing sight of his obligations to civilization itself. Israel’s
war is righteous. It is a service to immediate U.S. interests. And it’s going
to proceed whether Biden likes it or not. He should recalibrate his posture,
and soon. In this administration’s frantic effort to ingratiate itself among
Jerusalem’s detractors, Biden risks activating the far larger host arrayed on the side of Israel. If the
president is aware of that risk, he’s not acting like it.
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