By Nick Catoggio
Thursday, February 22, 2024
“Do
the NYT editors really want a Republican victory in November?” author Joyce
Carol Oates asked in a tweet Wednesday.
The
answer, I suspect, is, er, no. A newspaper produced by and for
America’s liberal intelligentsia likely does not want a boorish coup-plotting
proto-fascist returned to power. For Oates to entertain the possibility, the
evidence she has of a sudden right-wing shift inside the Times must
be shocking and overwhelming, right?
The
answer to that is also no. The “evidence” in this case turns out to
be a single headline at the paper that was tweaked to place a slightly
more negative spin on Joe Biden’s latest inexcusable giveaway to
student-loan debtors.
It
would be comforting to know that Oates’ overreaction was an isolated case of
Very Online brain worms, but the social media outcry at the headline among the
left was apparently loud enough to prompt the Times to tweak it
again, removing a reference to Biden being “beleaguered.” Someday, perhaps,
when the history of the 2024 election is written, scholars will point back to
that copy edit as the moment the race was won and the slaying of the Trumpian
dragon assured.
Absurd
episodes like this one are happening lately among Democrats more often than you
might think.
The
sharpest observer of the phenomenon is statistician Nate Silver, who’s written
about it in his
newsletter and on The Platform Formerly Known as Twitter. On topics as
far afield as Hunter Biden, immigration, cancel culture, the economy, and the
president’s age, Silver has spotted liberals complaining that the media’s
coverage is excessive, unfair, or both—and boosting the chances of a second
term for Trump. The recurring comparison among them is to coverage of Hillary
Clinton’s email scandal in 2016: The press helped Trump to victory once before
by exaggerating the foibles of his Democratic opponent, they claim, and now
it’s happening again.
Press
coverage of Clinton’s scandal eight years ago really might have been the
difference in that election, Silver allows, but extending that complaint to
matters as salient as immigration policy and Joe Biden’s basic competence in
performing his duties stinks of unseriousness and scapegoating. His term for
liberals’ growing obsession with media bias is “The Big Cope”:
I define The Big Cope as the belief that
Democrats would win every competitive election if only it weren’t for unfair
media coverage. The cope extends both to the mainstream
media coverage of the Indigo Blob and to social media, particularly
Facebook, Twitter and more recently TikTok,
which are often accused of promoting “misinformation”.
I’ve
spent almost 20 years working in right-wing media. I’m familiar with The Big
Cope.
***
To
say that there’s always been an unhealthy element of Big Cope in the right’s
obsession with media bias isn’t to say that that bias doesn’t exist. I myself
have written thousands—literally thousands—of posts calling attention to
journalistic malpractice at conservatives’ expense. The mainstream press
reliably leans left, probably more so today than it did when I started
blogging, given how higher-educated Americans like reporters have gradually
drifted Democratic.
Examples
of it are common enough that one can easily make
a career in right-wing media of finding and publicizing such examples,
many petty but some quite significant.
It’s no exaggeration to say that rebutting the worldview of outlets like
the New York Times is why right-wing infotainment exists to
begin with. And here too the antagonism has probably gotten worse over time: As
Republicans have grown more populist during the Trump era, their contempt for
the effete “woke” establishment in corporate media has turned increasingly
poisonous.
Because
so much of the modern right-wing imagination has been preoccupied by media
bias, blaming the press for electoral setbacks has become inescapable. Before
Mitt Romney became a hate object for Republicans, it was conventional wisdom
among conservative activists that the media had stacked the deck against him in
2012 to protect their darling, Barack Obama. The Candy
Crowley debate incident, the distortions of his “binders
full of women” comment, the idiotic harping on Romney’s
“gaffes”—put it all together and the press had cost
the GOP the election.
You
don’t hear that argument from the right much anymore, admittedly. As
conservatives like Romney have fallen into disfavor, the populist narrative of
his defeat has shifted from blaming the press to blaming his own antiquated
agenda and his elite disdain for “the
47 percent.” But even here, enough of The Big Cope remains to provide a
sort of origin story for Donald Trump. It’s because Romney wasn’t more
combative with the dastardly liberal media, the story goes, that the right was
forced to turn to a preposterous yet pugnacious SOB in 2016.
When
you’ve lost the popular vote in every presidential election but one for 30
years and worry about your party’s viability in a country that’s grown more
racially diverse, it’s a great comfort to believe that the media is ultimately
to blame for your failures. There’s nothing wrong with right-wing politics,
policy, or personnel; they remain the choice of The People, America’s rightful
governing orthodoxy. The GOP would win every election—if only we had a fair
press willing to carry forth its message without endless liberal distortion.
It
makes sense, then, that the right would require a Big Cope taking the form of
incessant media-bashing. What’s interesting, and less obvious, is why the left
suddenly requires one.
After
all, they’ve done okay electorally lately, haven’t they? Democrats won the
House in 2018, reclaimed the Senate and the presidency in 2020, and
outperformed expectations wildly in 2022. They’ve walloped the GOP in special
elections over the past 18 months and are more likely than not to win a House
majority again this fall. And despite 86
percent of the country thinking he’s unfit to serve a second term, Joe
Biden leads in the latest national poll by 4 points.
There’s
not much in all of that to warrant a liberal coping mechanism. There’s not much
either in how the media has covered Donald Trump. For all the hysteria
about Times editors recklessly paving his path back to the
White House, his greatest political liabilities have received something close
to saturation coverage over the last three years. January 6 and the four
criminal indictments filed against him are probably the two most discussed
domestic political news stories in American newspapers since 2021. And Trump’s
autocratic designs on a second term have gotten enough press attention
that even Fox News felt obliged to
ask him about it.
If
it’s true, as Silver says, that liberals have descended into a Big Cope, what
exactly are they coping with?
***
The
answer begins with Joyce Carol Oates’ brain worms. The more voraciously a
partisan consumes political news, the more grossly distorted his or her
perspective on what will and won’t affect Americans’ votes in November becomes.
Imagine believing that a mildly negative headline about Joe Biden in the New
York Times, a paper that caters overwhelmingly to well-heeled liberals, is
worth fretting about. It’s ridiculous. But to the Very Online mind, even the
slightest shift in the front lines of the information war risks a catastrophic
breakout and ensuing rout.
The
truth is that most political news just doesn’t matter. That includes stuff that
might plausibly be described as “big,” never mind ticky-tack turns of phrase in
random stories.
Brain
worms can explain only so much, though. The left’s Big Cope is also a reaction
to the balkanization of political media.
Republicans
would nod along with that, I think. Their version of what’s happening here
would go something like this: Thanks to Fox News and the internet, liberals
have lost their post-war monopoly over news. No more can Walter Cronkite and
the big three broadcast networks tell viewers at 6:30 p.m. how to think about
events at home and abroad. Those days are gone and are never coming back, and
the left is beside itself because of it.
There’s
something to that, but it’s hard not to notice that Democrats have done
conspicuously well in national elections in the internet age.
To find a time when Republicans somewhat reliably won the popular vote in
presidential races, you need to look back to the pre-internet era of Dan Rather
and, uh, Walter Cronkite.
I
think the Big Cope has less to do with losing a monopoly over news than with
anxiety at how right-wing media has abused the influence it gained after that
monopoly ended. The ideological bias and strict informational gatekeeping
practiced at Republican-friendly news outlets is so extreme as to have become a
subject of ridicule for its own heroes. “He said at some point he could shoot
someone on Fifth Avenue and not lose a vote,” Ron
DeSantis said of Trump on a conference call with campaign donors on
Wednesday. “Well, I think he could shoot someone on Fifth Avenue and the
conservative media wouldn’t even report on it.”
That’s
barely an exaggeration. Modern right-wing media promises its consumers a “bespoke
reality” in which information that challenges their worldview is either
spun or ignored. Liberals might be able to live with losing a monopoly over the
news, but increasingly they’re losing the ability to even communicate
inconvenient facts to voters on the other side. To this day, despite all
available evidence, a majority of Republicans continue to believe Joe
Biden didn’t legitimately win the presidency in 2020. It’s
no mystery as to why.
“Bespoke
realities” exist on the other side too, of course. Joyce Carol Oates didn’t get
those brain worms about New York Times headlines by accident.
But the fact that right-wing media has descended so far and so remorselessly
into abject propaganda during the Trump era might understandably make liberals
defensive—too defensive—about minor ideological sins committed by sympathetic
media outlets like the Times. Their side says Trump won the
election while our side is busy sneering that Joe Biden is “beleaguered.” How
are we supposed to win this information war?
More
than anything, though, I think the left’s Big Cope is a backlash to the fact
that they really, truly might lose an election to Donald Trump. It’s
unthinkable. And not only is it unthinkable, but in important and unusual ways,
they’re powerless to change the trajectory.
***
I
share their exasperation. It’s an unanswerable indictment of this country that
not only would Republicans choose Trump to represent them again in a national
election but that he looks increasingly likely to win. America will never
recover from it, reputationally or otherwise. The pill is too impossibly bitter
to digest.
In
a normal election, there’d be no need for fatalism about it this early in the
campaign. Nine months is a long time for good economic news to penetrate the
public consciousness and boost the incumbent’s polling.
But
in this election, most of Biden’s big vulnerabilities are set in stone. The
biggest, his age, will only get worse. The damage on immigration is probably
also done, even if executive
action to try to get control of the border happens soon. And his
polling hasn’t improved lately despite Trump’s victories in Iowa and New
Hampshire, which were supposed to be a wakeup call for sleepy swing voters.
Democrats are now stuck with the president as their nominee no matter how
unpopular he gets, unless he chooses to step aside.
They’re
on track to lose to the mastermind of January 6, a man openly bent on
“retribution” and challenging the constitutional order. It’s shocking, and even
more shocking is how little they can do about it. So they’ve chosen to obsess
about changing what they can—namely, how the two candidates are covered in the
press. Browbeating the media for wrongthink in how it writes about Biden is
their way of reassuring themselves that Trump can be defeated;
all it’ll take is enough informational muscle being brought to bear in
promoting the Democratic spin on, say, the president’s
senescence, never mind your lying eyes.
It’s
much nicer to think that the media could end up costing Biden the election than
to face the unbearable fact that American decadence has reached such a point of
civic corruption that half the electorate is okay with rolling the dice on
Trump again. It really is a Big Cope.
In
its strongest form, like
Oates’ post, The Big Cope would even demand that the mainstream press
abandon any pretense of objectivity and skew its election coverage overtly this
cycle to assist the Democratic cause. This isn’t a normal election, the theory
goes; an extraordinary threat requires an extraordinary civic response. “The
media simply isn’t up to the task to report on a fascist movement in our
country,” one party strategist complained
recently when CNN dared to wonder whether Biden’s age has become a bigger
liability than Trump’s indictments.
But
that’s my point. Biden’s age probably is a bigger liability at
this point than Trump’s criminal indictments. It shouldn’t be, but our quarrel
on that point isn’t with Anderson Cooper or Jake Tapper. It’s with American
voters who by now are very well aware of who Trump is and what he’s capable
of—and who seem to prefer him anyway.
***
To
our liberal friends who dream of a more openly partisan mainstream media, I
would say this: Be careful what you wish for.
The
American right craved a formidable openly partisan media of its own and, thanks
to Fox and the internet, eventually got one. The industry they’ve built is now
so insular, paranoid, and propagandistic that the mainstream press ironically
isn’t a sinister enough institution to play the boogeyman as much anymore in
their narratives of political repression. Republicans have moved on from the
liberal media to foreign vote-rigging cabals and “the deep state.”
It
would be strange for more respectable news outlets to begin emulating them, or
at least more
so than they already have. If nothing else, doing so would function as a
recruitment drive for corrupt right-wing media organizations. The more biased
the mainstream press becomes, after all, the more reason Republican voters have
to seek “friendlier” news sources.
Besides,
abandoning civic norms in the face of some urgent threat is not a
shrewd precedent to set with an authoritarian movement poised to take power
next year. The entire story of the right over the past decade, particularly its
defenses of Trump, is that there’s no form of unethical behavior that can’t be
justified in the name of “saving the country.” If that’s the story of the left
going forward as well then all we’re doing in elections is choosing which
flavor of authoritarianism we prefer.
But
I shouldn’t be too hard on them. For most liberals the Big Cope is, I suspect,
exactly what it sounds like: not a serious call for the press to aggressively
skew its political coverage, but a means of coming to terms with the fact that
the result in November is likely to change our collective view of our country
forever. Trump is what America is now; we all cope in our own way.
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