By Noah Rothman
Monday, February 27, 2023
It’s not often that the polling industry provides us with
data pinpointing the precise year in which American social cohesion began to
erode. Gallup pollsters recently published statistics
illustrating where it all went wrong — at least concerning race relations in
the United States.
Every year since 2001, with some exceptions, Gallup has
asked American adults to rate the state of relations between white and black
residents. In 2015, the number of respondents who told pollsters they believed
race relations were either “very” or “somewhat good” fell off a cliff. The
public’s perception of race relations never returned to the status quo ante
2015. Indeed, its decline has accelerated in recent years.
Gallup declined to test this proposition in 2014, but we
can identify it as the year in which the country took a wrong turn through
Gallup’s other race-related questions.
In 2014, 55 percent of respondents said they were “very”
or “somewhat satisfied” with the “state of race relations” in America. The
following year, just 30 percent agreed. By the summer of 2015, the number of
adults saying they were “very dissatisfied” with relations between white and
black Americans spiked by ten points from the same time in 2013. Only 17
percent of adults polled by Gallup said they worried a “great deal” about race
relations in March 2014, which was in line with prior years. A year later, that
number increased by eleven points.
So, what the heck happened in the middle of 2014 that
radically altered the consensus around race relations in America? The most
compelling explanation for this seismic shift surrounds the events that
precipitated the Black Lives Matter movement. Or, more specifically, the
commentary and pedagogy that followed the events that inspired the Black Lives
Matter movement.
On August 9, 2014, 18-year-old Michael Brown was shot and
killed by police in Ferguson, Mo. Three weeks earlier, an officer in New York
City was filmed incapacitating 43-year-old Eric Garner with a chokehold for the
offense of selling loose cigarettes on the streets. He died in police custody
as a result of his treatment. In both cases, grand juries decided not to pursue
charges against the responding officers. Brown’s death was justified by the “physical evidence” presented to the jurors. Garner’s
killing, however grotesque, did not violate New York statute (nor, the Justice
Department later conceded, did the officer commit a prosecutable violation
of Garner’s civil rights).
These events triggered months of sometimes violent
demonstrations across the country — periodic episodes of looting and vandalism
that, in 2014, were sights few had witnessed at such a scale since the 1992 Los
Angeles riots. These two arrest-related killings are also responsible for
mainstreaming the verbal ticks that have since become the price of admission
into elite society. Among them, the notion that American race relations are, in
fact, irreparable owing to America’s deep and abiding commitment to the
repression of its minority population.
It was the year New York City mayor Bill de Blasio indicted the “centuries of racism that
have brought us to this day” and revealed that he taught his biracial children
to fear the police force under his control. It was the year President Barack Obama indicted racism as a “deeply
rooted” feature of American society, even though he conceded that “things are
better — not good, in some cases — but better” than they were in the
civil-rights era. It was the year New York magazine
reporter Benjamin Wallace-Wells identified a “tidal shift in
the attentions of the post-Occupy American left, away from the subject of
economic inequality and towards the problem of race.” It was also the year a
concerted effort was made in the press to educate the public out of the view
that race relations were all right.
On December 30, 2014, NPR looked into not just Gallup’s
polling but surveys from the New York Times, Pew Research Center,
and CBS News, all of which showed either static or relatively positive trends
in the general perception of race relations. This, according to the sources with whom NPR reporters spoke, was a problem that
needed fixing. “From a privileged perspective, things are, yes, dramatically
different,” Tufts University professor Peniel Joseph said of the difference
between 2014 and 1964.
What followed was a nearly decade-long campaign to
educate Americans out of the belief that racial disparities in America had
improved or even could improve. To hold an optimistic view on the subject
became, at best, an expression of ignorance. It is impossible to gauge the
degree to which Gallup’s respondents honestly believe race relations have
worsened since 2015, or whether they know what they’re expected to say.
Regardless, at least we have a good idea of when it all started going downhill.
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