By Noah Rothman
Monday, February 20, 2023
On Friday, Pennsylvanians learned that their state’s
junior senator, John Fetterman, checked himself into the Walter Reed National
Military Medical Center to receive treatment for clinical depression. It’s a
condition with which Fetterman has suffered “off and on throughout his life,”
according to his chief of staff, Adam Jentleson. The affliction has, however,
become more acute with the rigors of Fetterman’s new job, as The Atlantic’s Jennifer Senior wrote
in a profile of the senator published auspiciously enough within 24 hours of
his hospitalization.
“Fetterman was continuously, relentlessly obligated to
perform a certain role — that of a competent, confident politician,” Senior
writes sympathetically. Much like any other elected official, Fetterman was
compelled to play the “accessible, obliging politician,” and that onerous
burden has only become more unendurable in the upper chamber of Congress. “As a
senator, you can never not be on,” Senior continued. The
determination to which The Atlantic’s readers are led is that
this torment has been done to John Fetterman.
Senior writes:
Fetterman has basically been forced
to contend with the effects of a severe brain trauma while working an absurdly
demanding job in one of the most polarized and toxic political climates the
country has ever known.
But by whom? That, readers must conclude, is a mystery.
For all the due and deserved sympathy the senator and his
family are owed, Pennsylvania’s voters have earned a measure of pity. They were
deprived of the opportunity to properly evaluate Fetterman as a candidate, and
not just in regards to this apparently lifelong affliction.
For months leading up to the now-infamous senatorial
debate between Fetterman and Mehmet Oz, political observers were subjected to a
withering campaign of emotional blackmail. To even discuss the senator’s
post-stroke auditorial-processing issues was deemed by those in control of the
political discourse’s commanding heights “appalling.” It was the functional equivalent of prejudice when it wasn’t dismissed
as irrelevant. Not only did Fetterman’s physicians think he was “fit to serve,”
but he was “getting sharper.”
The invasive pursuit of documentation on Fetterman’s
condition became the fixation of “right-wing carnival barkers,” according to New York Magazine profiler
Rebecca Traister, who, in the same piece, alleged that Fetterman’s
infirmities were retreating and surmountable and acute enough to present voters
with a relatable contrast to the artificial political edifice Oz fabricated for
himself. And what does any of it matter anyway? After all, the
Senate “has not actually been a deliberative body for decades.”
Senior’s welcome (albeit belated) candor reveals the
degree to which Fetterman’s post-stroke recovery process and its associated
trials are an obstacle to the performance of a senator’s
duties. His interpersonal interactions are labored and tightly controlled. He
relies on technology to process what his colleagues say, and his presence in
committees is a function of live transcription devices. He must navigate an
unfamiliar city without the support of his wife and children, who remain behind
in Pennsylvania. None of it is conducive to an efficacious post-stroke recovery
regimen.
Senior’s passive construction would lead you to believe
that all of this was an accident of fate, but Fetterman’s torment is not
inertial. This was, in fact, done to him. He was compelled to endure a grueling
campaign. He was made to serve as an avatar for those who endure “ablest”
discrimination. He was required to push through the worst of it for the benefit
of his party and ideological allies. The sympathy Fetterman’s condition now
receives from those who made him jump through hoop after hoop rings hollow.
Senior concludes with a reluctant admission that the
“hooligans” on the right, whose offense is only to notice the ordeal to which
Fetterman has been subjected, will continue to make hay of the senator’s
affliction. But, she adds, they may soon be joined by similarly observant
Democrats. If Democrats do eventually summon the courage to acknowledge their
surroundings, it will be talked about in the press as though it was a
revelation born of the left’s preternatural altruism and bottomless capacity
for human decency. Perhaps his colleagues will drag Fetterman up from the deep
hole into which they cast him. But no one should mistake what they’re seeing
for compassion. The time to showcase that character trait passed long ago.
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