By Noah Rothman
Tuesday, June 14, 2022
Democrats and their allies are not bashful when they
describe the events of January 6 and their implications, even at the risk of
hyperbole. This was an “attempted coup,” the “worst attack on democracy since the Civil War,” and a “lawless” effort to “dismantle” America’s democratic
institutions. We are obliged to “make sure that such an attack never, never happens again.”
I don’t have to take their word for it. The evidence
of my own eyes long ago confirmed the epochal scope of that assault on
the levers of American self-governance, culminating in a once-unthinkable event
that can now never be unthought. I’ve written many thousands of words about that
menace. I’ve highlighted the ways in which the constitutional
order broke down, and I’ve castigated those who would downplay
the significance of the attack in pursuit of their own temporary,
parochial political advantage. I don’t need to be lectured about that day’s
horrors and their ramifications. In fact, it’s partisan Democrats who would
benefit by internalizing their own sanctimonious rhetoric. If January 6 was a
seminal day in American history that must never be repeated, why is the
Democratic Party doing its utmost to prop up insurrectionary elements on the
right?
A recent more-in-sorrow Washington Post analysis found that over 100
victors in this year’s Republican primary elections are, to some degree,
proponents of Donald Trump’s false claims that fraud and malfeasance delivered
the presidency to Joe Biden. Many of them “are overt in their intentions to use
public office to affect electoral outcomes.” Perhaps these candidates would
have emerged victorious on their own. We will never know because the next
generation of conspiratorially minded Republican leaders received a boost from
their Democratic opponents.
“Democratic groups are buying ads touting some of the
most extreme pro-Trump candidates in Republican primaries around the
country,” Axios reported on Monday. Elections observers are
witnessing a trend in which Democratic groups leverage the Republican Party’s
more unattractive pathologies to ensure that the most radical, id-channeling
candidates on the GOP’s fringes make their way onto the ballot in November.
Axios flags a Nancy Pelosi-affiliated PAC’s 30-second
television commercial boosting a Trump-backed primary challenge to Republican
Rep. David Valadao, which wields the bombastic language of the nationalist
right for maximum effect. “David Valadao claims he’s Republican,” the ad’s narrator sneers, “yet, David Valadao voted to
impeach President Trump.” In California, the Democratic candidate ran spots
elevating Greg Raths—the Republican who ran against establishmentarian Rep.
Young Kim and who has been condemned by right-wing media for making anti-Semitic
remarks—as his true opponent. These efforts to give the MAGA right a leg up
over their more responsible Republican peers are likely to fall short, but the
campaign is not without its successes.
In Colorado, the “underfunded” campaign by state Rep. Ron
Hanks to face U.S. Senator Michael Bennet in November is the beneficiary
of millions of dollars of spending in his favor from
left-wing groups. The Democratic PAC’s advertisements burnish Hanks’s conservative
credentials—he is, in fact, “too conservative for Colorado” (wink). Hanks has
and continues to insist Donald Trump won the 2020 election and maintains that
Biden’s ascension to the White House was an event on par with 9/11. Meanwhile,
Hanks’s opponent, local contracting company CEO Joe O’Dea, has failed to
attract a similar spotlight. “It’s actually brilliant,” one Colorado-based
Republican strategist told Politico. “If Democrats spend $1 million to help Hanks win
the GOP primary, that will save them $20 million in the general.”
Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker and the Democratic Governors Association have committed
millions of dollars to beating Aurora, Illinois’s first black mayor, Republican
Richard Irvin. What state House GOP leader Jim Durkin called an “obvious effort
to hijack the Republican primary election” seems to be working. The Democrats’
preferred opponent, state Sen. Darren Bailey, is surging in the polls. Bailey has made “election integrity”
a signature theme of his campaign and has lent credence to conspiracy theories about the threat posed by
Internet-connected voting machines.
This cynical crusade’s biggest success came in the race
for Pennsylvania governor. The GOP nominee, Doug Mastriano, spent less than
$370,000 on television advertisements, but the Democratic gubernatorial
nominee’s campaign supplemented that spending with over $840,000 of their own funds. The playbook is
familiar by now. The supposedly negative spots label Mastriano too conservative,
too committed to supporting Donald Trump, too zealous
in the pursuit of objectives the MAGA wing of the GOP support. Mastriano
has boasted
of his intention to “take the corrections to elections, the voting
logs, and everything” and has pledged to pursue constitutionally dubious
electoral reforms, including a universal, state-wide voter reregistration
initiative.
The Democrats’ strategy here isn’t new. The party is
elevating flawed Republican candidates under the assumption that they will be
easier to beat than their more conventional rivals. In this way, Harry Reid
survived his low job-approval numbers in 2010 by promoting Sharron Angle over the Nevada GOP chairwoman
Sue Lowden. Similarly, Claire McCaskill managed to forestall Missouri’s
transition to a reliably Republican state by pulling out all the stops so businessman John Brunner
lost his 2012 primary bid to Todd Akin.
But what made those two Republican nominees unpalatable
to a broader electorate were traditional political differences—disagreements
over abortion rights or how best to preserve the solvency of America’s entitlement
programs. What Democrats are engaged in today is far more cynical. Opposition
to the reckless myth-making that convinced thousands of Trump-backing Americans
to ransack the Capitol is, we’re regularly told, something that should
transcend partisan politics. The Democratic Party’s electoral tacticians are
conceding that the unprecedented attack on the seat of government is just
another political football.
Most troubling, there’s no guarantee that the paranoid
MAGA-backed candidates that the Democratic Party is promoting will lose their
respective races. In a political environment that produces wave elections,
surprises happen. If Democratic political organs were committed to ensuring
that nothing like January 6 ever happens again, they would be less cavalier
about the hazards they’re actively promoting. And I, for one, resent being told
by Democrats that I have to care about preserving America’s republican
institutions more, apparently, than Democrats do.
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