By Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, June 28, 2022
Thanks to five decades’ worth of work by
legal reformers and pro-life activists, the Supreme Court has taken the purportedly
radical step of deciding that, henceforth, abortion laws will be made by
lawmakers in their legislatures, rather than by judges in their chambers. That
return to democracy has, of course, been lamented as announcing a “crisis of
our democracy” as well as heralding our “declining democracy,” according to
Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. That assault on democracy — a very,
very weird “assault on democracy” that consists of asking the people to
vote on a contested political issue through their elected representatives —
makes of these United States a “cautionary tale,” according to the “analysts” over at the Washington Post, the sometimes daft pages of
which offer a helpful reminder that the first word in analyst is anal.
What does it actually mean, this
“democracy” of which we perpetually speak?
For progressives, “democracy” is a very
plastic word that means, “what we call it when we get what we want.” Examples:
The Supreme Court overrules state abortion laws on an obviously pretextual and
obviously specious constitutional claim and overrules the democratic outcome in
favor of the private judgment of a half-dozen unaccountable law professors?
That’s democracy! At least according to Democrats. But when the Supreme Court
later corrects itself and returns the question to the democratic institutions —
to the people and their state legislatures? That, in case you hadn’t noticed,
is the end of democracy as we know it. What about using employment as an
instrument of social coercion to silence people with unpopular political
opinions? Workplace democracy, of course. What if a business owner decides that
he doesn’t want to perform some service that is at odds with his views? The end
of democracy, my God! If a Republican insists a presidential election was
stolen and that the president is illegitimate, that is an obvious assault on
democracy, and probably treason. If Democrats insists a presidential election
was stolen and the president is illegitimate? That’s democracy in action, and
dissent is the highest form of patriotism.
Funny thing, this “democracy.” Funny and
kind of stupid.
Democracy, meaning “rule by the people,”
is a word that entered English in the late 16th century to describe a contrast
with the other main forms of government in the Western world, monarchy and aristocracy.
Monarchy and aristocracy, along with the example of the republics of
Renaissance Italy and that of the Roman dictatorship, were very much on the
minds of the American founders. Democracy did not have an
especially inspiring track record at the time of our nation’s Founding, and the
word democracy had not taken on its current moral hue.
Democracy was a low thing, in their judgment, a near cousin to anarchy.
The most democratic forms of government in
Western political history had been (in theory) democracies pure and simple, in
which all political power was (in theory) held by the people themselves, who
met in assemblies that were open to all citizens and voted on the great
questions of the day. Hence, democracy has at times been construed to mean
“majority rule.” Even though these democracies were hemmed in in various ways
(for example, by religious tradition) that kind of democracy was unstable,
often just a short step away from the Hobbesian bellum omnium contra
omnes, and it often was indistinguishable from its cousins, ochlocracy (“mob
rule”) and demagoguery (the exploitation of democratic
passions by power-seekers). The Founders did not think much of democracy thus
understood, and you can read quite pointed rejection of “democracy” in the
works of John Adams, among many others. The word kept its ugly and anarchic
connotations for years, such that when Abraham Lincoln wrote contemptuously of
the “corrupt Democracy,” everybody knew what he meant — he meant the traitors
and the slavers in the political party that still had and has the effrontery to
call itself “Democratic.”
You won’t find any mention of democracy in
the Declaration of Independence. The closest you will find to that is many
complaints about the English king’s abuse of the law and the legislatures. The
indictment of King George included:
He has
refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public
good.
He has
forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance,
unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and
when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has
refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people,
unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the
Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has
called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and
distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of
fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has
dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness
his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has
refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be
elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have
returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the
mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions
within.
He has
endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose
obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others
to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new
Appropriations of Lands.
He has
obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for
establishing Judiciary powers.
He has
made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and
the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has
erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to
harrass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has
kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our
legislatures.
This was not a democratic indictment,
but rather one oriented more specifically toward liberty and the rule of law.
Those colonial legislatures were not exactly
democratically elected, either — beyond the exclusion of women, African
Americans, and the unpropertied, the idea was that such assemblies would be
chosen from among the leading men by the leading men. The U.S. Senate, whose
members were appointed by the various state legislatures rather than popularly
elected, was once meant to be roughly the same thing. Adams sought a “balanced”
government, meaning one that incorporated the best aspects of monarchy in the
presidency, the best aspects of aristocracy in the Senate and other
undemocratic institutions, and the best aspects of democracy in the House of
Representatives. Democracy, in that respect, is merely useful, not a moral
necessity in its own right. I believe that is still the right way to think
about it.
When it is working well, our political
order is indeed “balanced,” though not in exactly the way Adams preferred.
Democracy is one constituent, one ingredient in the recipe. The other big one
is liberalism, the idea that the rights and liberties of the people
should be the central concern of government. The American Revolution was to a
large degree a liberal revolution, one oriented toward reclaiming and
fortifying what the Founding Fathers understood to be their rights as
Englishmen — and, while it leads to some semantic confusion, American conservatism is
fundamentally liberal: What American conservatives seek to conserve
is a political and social order founded in Anglo-Protestant liberalism. This
imagines a social order in which the private sphere accounts for the most
important parts of life — piety, family, community, economy — and the public
sector, particularly the national government, exists mainly to protect the
liberty and the property of the people.
This is in contradistinction to the paternalistic model
of government, which is still very much with us among the authoritarians and
which demands that the state be a father and a teacher, a moral tutor and a
moral disciplinarian, rather than a disinterested enforcer of laws and
contracts. Democracy often acts as a sort of camouflage for paternalistic
government, investing some political figure (in our case, almost invariably the
president) with quasi-mystical powers as the personification of “We the
People.” Strongman democracy is in practice very much like ordinary monarchy or
dictatorship, and the strongman usually outlasts the democracy. It is democracy
without liberalism.
Liberalism opposes and limits democracy in certain important
ways: For example, the Bill of Rights and other provisions of the Constitution
put some important considerations, such as freedom of speech and the right to
keep and bear arms, beyond the reach of ordinary politics. Neither Congress nor
the president can take away your constitutional rights, which, in the original
understanding of the American order, are not granted by the Constitution by
only formally recognized therein — being granted by God, which
is why those rights cannot be legitimately trampled by any government, no
matter how popular or democratic — Americans are “endowed by their Creator with
certain unalienable rights.”
We sometimes call the usual Western mode
of government liberal democracy, but the mix of liberalism and democracy is a
contested matter. Libertarian theorists such as F. A. Hayek argued that the
only real case for democracy is prudential, that a liberal (meaning
libertarian) dictatorship would be entirely preferable to an illiberal
democracy, and that we rely on democratic institutions only because there are
not a lot of liberal dictators to be found. (Hayek’s inclination toward liberal
dictatorship led him into occasional error, such as his excessive enthusiasm
for the dictator Augusto Pinochet, who enacted some very liberal, positively
Hayekian economic policies. Margaret Thatcher once felt compelled to write
Hayek a letter warning him against being seduced by Pinochet and his methods.)
In our time, there is a pronounced tendency toward illiberal or anti-liberal
democracy, not only among such exotic paternalistic specimens as Viktor Orbán
but here in the United States, too. The Trumpist element is an example of that,
as is the circle of crackpot Catholic fantasists typified by Sohrab Ahmari and
others of that ilk. To get some idea of the flavor of that, consider that
Ahmari, who purports to be some kind of Christian conservative, despises the
Federalist Society, the constitutionalist organization most directly
responsible for the successful legal campaign against Roe, as — and
here I will quote Ahmari directly — the “jackals of Mammon,” because the Federalist
Society works toward a legal framework for economic liberty as well as an
authentically constitutional approach to abortion.
I myself do not believe the ladies and
gentlemen of the Federalist Society to be the jackals of Mammon. (I do not
think that Ahmari really believes that either: Whether he is in his
secular-Muslim phase or his atheist-neocon phase or his ultramontane Catholic
phase, his true religion is and always has been notoriety.) It is
true that liberal regimes sometimes by their liberalism enable vice. It is also
true that illiberal regimes sometimes by their illiberalism enable vice, as
every third goat in Wardak knows. The problem is the vice, not the liberty.
But, then, my interest is in building up institutions, not in burning them down
— unfashionable, I know.
What Hillary Rodham Clinton, Nancy Pelosi,
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and the cretins running around in “handmaid” costumes
have in common with Donald Trump, Rudy Giuliani, the deranged January 6 cretins
and the imbecilic American Greatness cretins who want you to
believe that the January 6 riot was an “inside job” staged by the FBI and
anti-Trump Republicans is that for all their talk about democracy — or
elections, or the Constitution, or patriotism, or social justice, or whatever —
their only real politics is the politics of the bawling baby: “Baby want!” For the partisans of Roe
v. Wade, “democracy” means that they get what they demand — which is taking
democracy out of the picture altogether when it comes to abortion law. But the
abortion fanatics are not alone in this.
The Dobbs decision is, in
a sense, a return to democracy — the very contentious issue of abortion will be
debated as an issue in democratic elections and sorted out through democratic
votes by democratically elected representatives in democratic legislatures. But
it is in a more important and more profound sense a victory for the rule of law
and for liberty — the Roe regime was not, and never could have
been, legitimate, representing as it did the usurpation of legislative power by
judges who have no entitlement to wield it. Overturning the laws of the states
on specious grounds is every bit as much an assault on our liberal-democratic
constitutional order as overturning the results of a presidential election on
specious grounds would have been. The American people — not as individuals but
as a people — have consented to live under our own particular Constitution,
which actually says what it actually says, and we have not consented to live
under a government of polite progressive opinion as communicated through the
law schools and the legal profession. Legitimacy begins with consent.
In that sense, there was much more at
stake in Dobbs than abortion, as prime and bloody an issue as
that is.
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