By Noah Rothman
Friday, June 17,
2022
To judge from the Biden administration’s
slapdash approach to the problem of rising energy prices—which contributes to
rising costs across the board—the White House is panicking. One day, the
president blames Americans’ reduced purchasing power on Vladimir Putin; the next, he attacks American
petroleum refiners for failing to relieve the burden on
consumers (in part, because so many refineries transitioned
in recent years to alternative fuel production).
When his administration isn’t begging fossil-fuel producers to pull more from their wells, its members insist we don’t need
more domestic drilling.
Their efforts to mitigate the pain
Americans are experiencing are no less confused. The Washington
Post reported on Friday that, in their scramble to come up with some relief
for American consumers, the Biden administration entertained the idea of
sending “rebate cards to millions of American drivers.” If they had moved
forward with this proposal, it would have disbursed yet another taxpayer-funded
benefit, which would only subsidize general demand (money is fungible, even if
you tell people they can only spend it on gas) that supplies currently cannot
meet. Such a scheme would only contribute, however marginally, to the
inflationary pressure on the economy that so vexes the White House. We were
spared the government’s “help” in this instance only because “shortages in the
U.S. chip industry would make it hard to produce enough rebate cards,”
the Post revealed. So, an acute resource deficiency delivered
us from the ravages of abject incompetence. Small favors.
This episode raises an increasingly
relevant question: Does the president fully grasp the economic effects of an
overheated marketplace typified by too much money chasing after too few goods?
To take his recent comments to the
Associated Press at face value, the answer is no.
In that interview, Joe Biden dismissed the
idea that a bonanza of government spending under his watch—in particular, the
American Rescue Plan Act’s individual stimulus and enhanced jobless
benefits—had a pronounced inflationary effect. “You could argue whether it had
a marginal, a minor impact on inflation,” Biden conceded. “I don’t think it
did. And most economists do not think it did. But the idea that it caused
inflation is bizarre.”
As the AP notes, one of the blinkered
economic neophytes who disagree is Biden’s own Treasury Secretary, Janet
Yellen. According to a forthcoming biography of the secretary, Yellen
privately admitted: “that too much government money was
flowing into the economy too quickly which is why she had sought without
success to scale back the $1.9 trillion relief plan by a third early in 2021
before Congress passed the enormous program.”
Yellen reportedly expressed these doubts
in agreement with former Treasury Sec. Lawrence Summers, who had warned ahead
of the ARP’s passage that it risked overheating the economy. Though he
festooned his February
2021 argument with deference to progressive
orthodoxies (the risk of too little stimulus is “greater” than too much, “an
overheated economy in which employers are desperate to find workers and push up
wages” would be a “positive thing,” and so forth), Summers also warned of “the
possibility of inflation.” Likewise, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
economist Olivier Blanchard also cautioned that “this package is too much.” The Covid rescue plan combined
with trillions of dollars in infrastructure spending would accelerate demand at
an unsustainable pace. “This would not be overheating,” he advised, “it would be starting a fire.”
And, lo, what these economists predicted
came to pass—at least, according to the San Francisco Federal Reserve. “U.S.
income transfers may have contributed to an increase in inflation of about 3
percentage points by the fourth quarter of 2021,” the board
observed of both the ARP and a smaller
stimulus package passed at the outset of the pandemic.
“If it’s my fault,” Biden retorted, “why
is it the case in every other major industrial country in the world that
inflation is higher?” That would be a savvy rejoinder if it was supportable.
But it’s not.
In some parts of the developed
world, annual
inflation rates do outpace America’s. But the U.S.
outranks many more nations in this dubious regard. The U.S. inflation rate over
the past two years outpaced the entire Anglosphere, to say nothing of developed
economies like Germany, France, Japan, Mexico, Poland, Norway, Austria, and so
on. When it comes to inflation, Pew Research Center’s data indicates that the
U.S. ranks 13th among the 44 nations it examined. According to former
Congressional Budget Office director Douglas Holtz-Eakin, U.S. inflation began
to outpace most OECD nations after the ARP’s passage. “About half of the U.S.
increase of four percentage points, PolitiFact
reported, ‘you can easily attribute to the
stimulus,’ Holtz Eakin said.”
It’s a mistake to blame any single piece
of legislation for a fiendishly complex and multifarious problem like
inflation. Anyone who would do so is trying to deceive someone—you or
themselves. But it’s just as deceptive to insist that legislative efforts to
stimulate an economy that had only been placed on ice during the pandemic did
not contribute to rising consumer costs. They did, and that’s the unavoidable
truth of the matter. If the administration’s temptation to inject even more
capital into the already overheated economy is any indication, it’s a truth
they don’t want to hear.
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